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The
PHRMG’s Settler Violence
Hotline and Legal Unit
are controversial, as is
evidenced by the following
debate between two leading
Palestinian human rights
advocates Mohammed Abu
Harthia, former Executive
Director of al-Haq and
current founder of The
Jerusalem Center for Human
Rights and Bassem Eid,
Executive Director of PHRMG.
It is useless!
Settlement
activities in the Occupied
Territories, which the
occupying authority supports
by encouraging civilians to
move into the new
settlements, are not only
considered to be violations
of international law but are
also crimes of war. The
practices of Israeli
settlers in the Occupied
Territories, through
confiscation of land by
various means, prevent an
entire population from
expelling out the occupation
and enjoying the right to
self-determination.
It is
true that there are
violations of the human
rights of Palestinians, by
Israelis, individually or
collectively, and sometimes
these violations are
systematically organized. We
should study each violation
as a separate case, since
the attacks committed by
Israeli settlers are
considered crimes under both
domestic and international
law. But how should we deal
with these violations from a
legal point of view?
Since
settler offenses are crimes
that may be committed in any
society, the following
arguments may be made in
support of the position that
Palestinian human rights
organizations should not
deal with cases of settler
violence:
1-
Previous experience with
Israeli law enforcement
authorities, the judiciary,
the army and the police,
have all taught us that – as
a general rule - they don’t
prosecute Jewish settlers;
and when they do – a rare
occurrence - the settler,
who is prosecuted in
civilian court, according to
Israeli civil law, is either
found innocent, or given a
very light sentence. On the
other hand, Palestinians
detained by Israel are given
the maximum penalties
permitted by law in Israeli
military courts. The
clearest description of the
Israeli judicial system is
that it is discriminatory
against non-Jews.
Palestinian life in the
Israeli judicial system has
practically no value. Take,
for example, the case of the
Jewish fundamentalist
settler Nachum Korman, who
beat Hilmi Shosheh, a
12-year old Palestinian
child from the village of
al-Khader, to death, but was
only sentenced for 6 months
community service, and a
15-month suspended prison
sentence.
2-We
need to study the subject of
settler violence
comprehensively. It is true
that settlers carry out
their crimes in a savage
manner and get away with
their ugly deeds, Yet the
efforts of the Palestinian
community should be directed
at preventing the
confiscation of land – under
pretexts such as illegal
ownership of property by
Palestinians, or government
security concerns, and at
protecting Palestinian
property. Settler criminal
activity only hides and
obfuscates the real crimes
of land confiscation and
occupation that are taking
place. If we try to
prosecute settlers in
individual cases of
violence, we are in fact
accepting their presence,
and indirectly, accepting
the unfair judgments that
the Israeli courts render
against settler criminals.
3- The
core issue of settler
violence is not the crimes
they commit; it is the
curtailing, by the mere
presence of the settlers, of
the right of the Palestinian
people for
self-determination, as
announced in countless UN
resolutions, and accepted by
the international community.
Treating settler violence as
cases of individual
harassment or abuse both
strengthens the existence of
the Jewish settlements in
the Occupied Territories and
fosters the discriminatory
Israeli judicial system. And
that, in turn, weakens the
international legitimacy of
the Palestinian struggle for
self-determination and
absolves the international
community from supporting
it.
The responsibility for
apprehending and prosecuting
Jewish settler criminals
falls squarely upon the
shoulders of the Israeli
police and prosecutor. It is
not the responsibility of
any Palestinian party. It
is well known and recognized
by international law that
the responsibility of
investigating crime falls
upon the authority in
control of the region. This
is, in fact, what Israel has
been doing with Palestinians
since the beginning of the
Occupation in June 1967.
Despite the fact that
resistance to occupation is
considered to be legitimate
by the international
community, more than 900,000
Palestinians have been
prosecuted for such activity
in Israeli courts.
This is my view on the
issue. By this I don’t mean
that an individual
Palestinian citizen who has
been attacked by Jewish
settlers, or whose property
has been taken from him or
destroyed, should not go to
court to prosecute the
aggressors. On the contrary,
this is his personal right.
However, I believe that the
prosecution of Jewish
settlers does not fall
within the responsibilities
of human rights
organizations, which should
focus more on achieving
justice and not asking for
compensation. This justice
will definitely not be
achievable in a racist
country, like the State of
Israel.
By:
Mohammed Abu-Harthieh,
Director
Jerusalem Center for Human
Rights
…………………….
A
mission has to be
accomplished
Responsibilities and tasks
of human rights
organizations may look
complicated, especially
under occupation, and those
duties may appear more
challenging if this
occupation continues for a
long time.
A
major task of those
organizations is to try to
find ways to help and
support the average citizen
who faces continuous
violations of his basic
rights, from the occupying
power. This matter might
seem strange to the average
citizen, for whose interests
such human rights
organizations and civil
society were established.
The ordinary citizen might
find it strange for human
rights organizations to
address his problems to the
occupying authorities.
People sometimes think that
human rights organizations
can find solutions to all
difficulties without
recourse to the occupying
authorities.
The
difficulties facing
Palestinian human rights
organizations intensified
after the Palestinian
Authority entered the
Occupied Territories, as the
geographical division of the
Territories into areas A, B
and C, accompanied by
division of powers and
jurisdiction, made things
very complex. Some
Palestinians in certain
parts of the Territories
don’t even realize under
whose rule they live.
The
issue of settler violence is
not easy at all. Following
up cases of settler violence
in area C –which is under
full Israeli rule- is a
matter that holds much risk
and danger, especially if
such areas are under Israeli
military curfew. Of course,
this makes it easier for
settlers to carry out their
aggression against
Palestinian civilians and
their property. Israeli
settlers can only direct
their attacks against
Palestinians living in area
C and B because those areas
are governed by Israeli
security. So, in those
areas, it is only logical
for human rights
organizations to contact the
Israeli law enforcement
authorities, such as the
Israeli army or police on
settler violence cases,
since it is the Israeli
police alone who can
investigate and arrest
Israeli settlers, according
to the Oslo peace agreement
of 1993, signed between the
PLO and Israel.
It is
true to say that the Israeli
authorities, including the
police, are not complying
with their responsibilities
regarding the settlers; this
in turn encourages settlers
to escalate their attacks
against the Palestinians.
And in the rare cases when a
settler is prosecuted, the
discriminatory Israeli
judicial system offers
Palestinians little chance
of redress.
According to the Geneva
Conventions regarding
protection of civilians
during armed conflict, of 12
August 1949, the occupying
authority is responsible for
providing protection to
civilians under its rule.
Article 3, paragraph a,
states: “ …the
following acts are and shall
be prohibited against all
person taking no active part
in the hostilities: Violence
to life and person, in
particular murder of all
kinds, mutilation, cruel
treatment and torture.” This
explains why human rights
organizations in the
Occupied Palestinian
Territories should approach
the Israeli authorities to
stop settler criminal
conduct, and to bring the
criminals before justice.
Based on this principle, the
Palestinian Human Rights
Monitoring Group (PHRMG)
launched its Settler Hotline
project, and began
communicating with the
Israeli authorities
concerning crimes and human
rights abuses committed by
Jewish settlers against
Palestinian civilians.
We
realized from the start that
trying to pressure Israeli
law enforcement to do the
right thing would be
frustrating. It turned out
to be more frustrating than
even expected, as is
evidenced by the fact that
the PHRMG had to file a
petition before the Israeli
High Court (on 27 February
2002) just to force the
Hebron police to respond to
correspondence written by
PHRMG attorneys on behalf of
our Palestinian victim
clients. Getting them to
investigate cases of settler
violence and getting the
state’s attorney to
prosecute such cases has
been even more difficult. In
the aftermath of our
petition, however, we have
witnessed some change n the
attitude of the Hebron
police. Not only are they
responding to our
correspondence within few
days of receipt, they have
also begun to investigate
cases with which we are
involved more seriously and
have referred a number of
such cases for prosecution.
In at least one case, the
settler, a young woman
accused of assaulting a 12
year old Palestinian child
with an iron bar, was
sentenced – although, due to
errors made by the police
and the state attorney
prosecuted the cases, she
was found guilty only of the
misdemeanor of inappropriate
behavior in a public place.
Professional human rights
work has to be comprehensive
and complete, in order to
convince the international
community of the unjust
suffering the Palestinian
people face because of the
Israeli occupation.
Furthermore, the interaction
with the Israeli
authorities, which sometimes
forces them to take action
against individual settlers,
may give the settlers the
feeling that they are being
monitored, and this, in
turn, may reduce the
phenomenon of settler
violence.
By:
Bassem Eid, Director
Palestinian Human Rights
Monitoring Group
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