The Status of the
Political Opposition in Palestine
A. Introduction
The Palestinian Authority contains a number of
competing and cooperating institutions, that collectively exercise
authority. These include the Presidency of Yassar Arafat, the Cabinet, the
Legislative Council, the PNC, and the PLO Executive Committee. Of these,
the Presidency is the most influential element, and the Legislative
Council is the weakest. The various institutions are built around the
Fateh political faction, dominant in every national forum, and enjoying a
monopoly within the security services.
The opposition comprises all those political organizations and individuals
competing for influence while opposing the policies of Fateh, President
Arafat, and/or the PA itself. The opposition is diverse; some figures
originally from the opposition have become Ministers; some Fateh
independents are seen as part of the opposition.
B. Political Opposition in
Palestine
Not all opposition is in the form of political
parties; despite the registration of many groups as parties. Some, such as
the PPP, PFLP, and DFLP do not need to register as parties because they
belong to the PLO. Hamas on the other hand, has declined to become a
party, while allowing supporters to establish the Salvation party. Some
individuals are part of the opposition as individuals, such as Dr. Haidar
Abdul-Shafi. In at least one case, a small newly registered party
encountered official harassment, despite its legality. Other small parties
have registered and appeared in the elections last year.
Efforts to form a common front have not succeeded, and the opposition
remains diverse. The Legislative Council is the only forum in which
members of the opposition and Arafat loyalists can vigorously debate
issues of the day.
C. The Repression of the
Opposition
Opposition parties, organizations and activists
encounter arbitrary arrests and other forms of harassment.. Some political
detainees have reported being mistreated, although they rarely suffer the
kind of mistreatment seen in the past, or accorded today to mostly
non-political prisoners (see chapter on torture).
1. Arbitrary Arrests and
Illegal Detentions
In March 1996, close to a thousand people were
arrested following the suicide attacks inside Israel. A member of the
General Intelligence, speaking to recently arrested prisoners in the
Ramallah jail, was heard to say: "You are here because you fall into three
groups. Group A are those Israel wants in prison. Group B are those the PA
wants in prison. Group C are those to make up the quota to keep Israel
happy. Most of you are in Group C." Another explanation for the arrest
campaign was given by Colonel Mohammed Al-Masri: "The PA was scared that
the opposition was exaggerating its size and role in showing itself as a
political alternative while denouncing the Authority as a betrayer." But
today, Al Masri continues, this is no longer the case.
Mustafa Atari, a Bir-Zeit University student was arrested during the March
1996 sweep. He was released after 318 days, in January 1997. No charges
were brought against him. Nearly all of those arrested have been kept
without trial or charges, and released gradually. We have no numbers on
how many of those arrested last year are still being held.
Following the Beit-El (Surda) attack on 11 December, 1996, many PFLP
activists were rounded up in the West Bank. In one case, the brother of a
known PFLP suspect was detained and held hostage until the wanted suspect
turned himself in to the authorities. Ahmed Sa'adat, a PFLP leader from
Ramallah, was also arrested following the Beit-El/Surda attack. He was
never charged, and was released on the same day of the National Dialogue
in Nablus, February 27. One of the demands of the opposition parties in
the National Dialogue was the release of imprisoned activists. The PA used
the search for the perpetrators of that attack as an excuse to detain many
PFLP activists. Their release was later used as a sign of 'goodwill,' as
the case of Sa'adat shows.
Ghazi Hammad, from Hamas, was detained January 1-8 by the PSS. He reports
being treated well, as interrogators discussed the views and politics of
Hamas at the time. Later, following the suicide bombing in Tel-Aviv on
March 21, many Hamas supporters and activists were held for short periods
of time. The detentions, in most cases lasting only a few hours, were used
to gather information about Hamas policy in general and to threaten
detainees to 'behave.' The number of activists detained in this way is
estimated to be in the dozens, throughout the West Bank and Gaza.
Dr. Ibrahim Maqadmeh, a Hamas leader, was released on March 11th as a sign
of goodwill towards Hamas. Neither had been charged or brought to trial.
Following the March attack in Tel-Aviv an arrest warrant was issued
against Dr. Maqadmeh - possibly the only legal arrest warrant issued in
the aftermath of the attack. Dr. Maqadmeh is today in hiding.
Following the two suicide bombings in Kfar Darom and Netzarim on April 1
(Israeli settlements in Gaza), attributed by Israel to the Islamic Jihad,
up to 200 arrests were carried out among Islamic Jihad activists. In one
incident that took place on April 2, fifteen students were arrested from a
single high school. They were later released in stages after the
intervention of a human rights organization. None were charged with
anything. Attorney Husam Arafat and 29 other activists affiliated to Ahmed
Jibril's PFLP - General Command were arrested in February and have
remained in detention without charges. Husam Arafat went on hunger strike
to protest his detention.
2. Mistreatment of Political
Detainees
Political detainees are often treated better than
other kinds of prisoners. There is a general recognition that mistreating
them is a negative strategy that increases opposition and bitter feelings
towards the PA.
Since the beginning of the year, treatment is also better during
interrogation. Only a small number of reports of mistreatment or torture
come from political detainees. In some prisons political detainees they
are allowed to leave the prison during the day.
3. Closure of Political Events
In the past, the PA has arbitrarily canceled
events; this includes a human rights conference organized by Raji Sourani
in 1995, and a DFLP festival that was scheduled for June 1996. During the
first part of 1997, the PHRMG has not come across a case of a political
event being closed by the PA.
4. Harassment of Small Parties
The Al-Ahd party, founded before the elections in
1996, has complained of harassment. This includes the arrest of the
party's leader , Abdullah Issa during the elections, and the confiscation
of his passport from April 1996 to February 1997.
5. Closure of Political
Newspapers
Al-Risala newspaper, appearing weekly, represents
the views of the Salvation party. Despite printing often severe criticism,
the newspaper has not been closed. On the other hand, it is less extreme
than the previous Hamas affiliated newspaper, Al-Watan, that was closed in
March 1996.
D. Analysis
1. Military Operations and
Political Repression
There is a strong connection between military
operations against Israeli conducted by opposition groups, and subsequent
arrest campaigns. In the case of the Beit-El/Surda attack, many PFLP
activists remained imprisoned as political prisoners months after the
perpetrators were tried and convicted. Assuming that the figure of 200
Islamic Jihad activists arrested after the Gaza bombings is precise, then
it too is an example of political arrests riding on the wave of
'anti-terror' activity.
By contrast, the March 1997 bombing in Tel-Aviv resulted in arrests by the
PA of three 'Sourif Cell' suspects, and an intimidation campaign that in
comparison to the past was mild. It is possible that opposition activity
not related to military attacks on Israeli targets would be tolerated more
than in the past. This is either because Israel would not be exerting as
much pressure on the PA to 'fight terror' in the absence of bombings, or
because the PA is genuinely interested in allowing the opposition to
operate. Some observers have remarked that the PA uses 'Israeli pressure'
to justify the arrest of opposition figures not connected to any illegal
activities.
2. How Many Political
Detainees?
According to statistics supplied by the Mandela
Institute for June 1996 and May 1997, the number of internees held in PA
detention facilities and prisons is fairly stable. In June 1996 1290 were
held, and in May 1997 the figure was 1095 - a drop of less than 10%. At a
workshop on prisons and rehabilitation held on April 28, Ramallah Prison
Director Ahmed Al-Arraj put the number of prisoners at 846, 619 of which
have not been tried. Human rights organizations do not receive official
information from all detention facilities on the number of prisoners and
their type - political or criminal.
Assuming that the proportion of political to criminal detainees is stable,
the data above would show that the number of political prisoners is
decreasing, but not by much. The data masks fluctuations in the number of
prisoners, as a result of releases (leading up to the National Dialogue in
February), or mass arrests (most recently of Islamic Jihad supporters).
3. Political Activity in the PA
Why is the level of repression dropping? Many of
our sources, from Dr. Ghassan Al-Khatib from the JMCC to known figures in
the PFLP and Hamas agree that the level of political activity by the
various organizations is low. This is a consequence of three factors: the
continuing confusion and debate within the organizations as a result of
their failure to change or derail the Oslo peace process, and the success
of President Arafat in weakening the opposition through direct repression
and political tactics. A third factor comes only from Hamas: they are
'keeping a low profile,' avoiding overt political activity 'so as not to
put the PA in a defensive position,' and concentrating on civil society
work characteristic of that movement. During January, Dr. Mahmoud Al-Zahhar
said that Hamas would become a political party, but this initiative failed
because the membership did not support it.
In any case, it stands as a fact that popular support for the opposition
has been dropping consistently since 1993 - from a high of 34% to a
current low of around 20%. This drop continues to exist even when support
for President Arafat and the PA take a dip. The largest increase is in
those who have no trust in any political leader, standing at 25.9 %.
The Legislative Council is rarely mentioned, as its activities are quite
free, and we have not found any serious violations connected to its
functioning. However, the PA has been accused of ignoring the Legislative
Council and suppressing media coverage of its activities.
E. Conclusions
As a human rights organization, the PHRMG does
not have political positions vis-a-vis the various political factions. But
as an organization with a commitment to democracy and civil society, we
support the existence of a political system that has responsible actors
capable of responding to popular will, representing a wide spectrum of
opinion, and carrying out political initiatives within a pluralistic and
tolerant environment.
We support the existence of law abiding political parties and
organizations, and welcome their active participation in the affairs of
society. The tendency of the PA to arrest hundreds of political activists
from the opposition following armed attacks on Israeli targets, together
with the more selective imprisonment of political opposition activists in
between, has created a climate of mistrust. The PA must live up to its
undertakings to protect the rule of law; all prisoners in detention must
be either charged or released. Those charged must be allowed to defend
themselves in court in a fair trial.
ngs to protect the rule of law; all prisoners in
detention must be either charged or released. Those charged must be
allowed to defend themselves in court in a fair trial. |
