March - April 1997: Frush Beit Dajan Residents Face Demolition

 

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The Palestinian Human Rights Monitor
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DEATHS IN CUSTODY: 1ST QUARTER 1997

Report on the deaths by torture of Qumsieh and Al-Baba

During the first quarter of 1997, two prisoners held in PA prisons died within two weeks of each other. The first, Fayez Hanna Yaqub Qumsieh, died under suspicious circumstances on January 17. The second, Youssef Ismail Al-Baba died on January 31. Both bodies bore marks showing that they had been mistreated while alive. The authorities (the Bethlehem police) claimed that Qumsieh committed suicide. On the other hand, perhaps as a result of the intervention of a human rights organization, Al-Baba's death was recognized almost immediately as being the result of torture.

One major difference in the two cases is the reaction for the public, human rights community, and the PA. Qumsieh's death received little attention, perhaps because the authorities claimed that he committed suicide. In Al-Baba's case, lawyers from LAW, the Palestinian Society for Protection of Human Rights and the Environment, assisted the family in their attempts to gain access to the body. In the hours after his death, LAW notified the human rights community of the Al-Baba's death, and of their attempts to assist the family. As a result of that intervention, the first public intervention by lawyers on behalf of the family of a torture victim since the arrival of the PNA, LAW director Khader Shkirat was threatened by an officer of the Palestinian General Security Service (PGSS-Mukhabarat).

Fayez Hanna Yaqub Qumsieh - Authorities Claim Suicide

PGSS agent Ibrahim Bajali arrested Fayez Qumsieh on 7 March, 1996, and took him to the district prison in Bethlehem. After being tortured, Qumsieh confessed to the murder of Bassem Rashmawi in 1981. A letter written by Qumsieh before his death and in the possession of the PHRMG, provides first hand details of the torture. Qumsieh was later transferred to the Military Intelligence (Istikhbarat) prison, which is in the same compound as the PGSS prison.

Formal charges were never pressed, and he was never brought before a judge or the local prosecutor. Qumsieh's wife (Helen Qumsieh) heard that he was hospitalized a number of times during the first six months of his arrest, but she was never allowed to visit him. (Qumsieh has a history of heart problems and underwent surgery in 1994.) When she was finally allowed to see him, it was for ten minutes and under supervision. Advocate Hashem Kawesmeh was then hired to represent the family. During the next few months, visits were regular, but always held in the presence of guards.

On January 6, 1997, Fayez was transferred to Al-Hussein Hospital because he was suffering from his heart condition. Mrs. Qumsieh told the PHRMG that it was only during that visit to the hospital that she learned of his torture, because for 9 days he remained unguarded, and she stayed at his side. "He said that he admitted the charges (of murder) under threats and severe beatings."

In his letter (mentioned above), Qumsieh describes his torture. He was usually interrogated and tortured around midnight, in the police jail. His hands were tied behind his back, and his head covered in a sack. On at least one occasion his torturers used a baton that has nails in the front. A witness (and fellow prisoner) named Samih Darbani was allowed to participate in the interrogation and beat Qumsieh for reasons which remain unclear.

. The lawyer, Hashem Kawasmeh, claims that there was never an official case number, file, or court date. Attempts to release Qumsieh on bail failed. The local prosecutor was repeatedly asked to let the family know of the charges and the court date. Each time the prosecutor told the family that he would be released in a few days.

During July 1996, Mrs. Qumsieh met with President Arafat and handed him the case file and medical reports. She was able to explain her story and ask for President Arafat to intervene. Together, they posed for a photograph.
On January 17, at 10:00 am, she was able to visit Qumsieh in prison even though most of the guards and officers were in Hebron for the ceremonies surrounding the Israeli withdrawal. The visit lasted twenty minutes. Qumsieh seemed to be in good condition. "His spirits were very high, and there were no marks on him. He asked for 15 packages of cigarettes per week instead of 10 [the amount she usually brought]." He was given some money to get through the week. He also asked to be transferred to another prison, or at least a cell with more than one other cellmate.

That afternoon at 17:00, doctors informed the family that Qumsieh arrived dead at Al-Hussein hospital in Beit Jala. The authorities phoned after the hospital did with the same news. The official version, released by the Bethlehem police to Israel Radio, was that Qumsieh committed suicide.
The family has told the PHRMG that the body has signs of violence on it, verified by a photograph of Qumsieh's face that shows bruising. An autopsy was conducted in the presence of two doctors representing the family. (The first time the PA has allowed doctors representing a family to be present at an autopsy.) They doctors told the family that Qumsieh died as a result of a heart attack. Despite repeated requests by the family, and a promise by Ahmed Toubasi the Bethlehem district prosecutor to release the autopsy report to the press, the report remains secret.

While the PA has claimed that Qumsieh has committed suicide, no evidence has been presented to support this claim. On the other hand, there is a lot of evidence to support the hypothesis that he was beaten on January 17, leading to a fatal heart attack, after the visit of his wife at 10:00, and before 17:00 when news of his death was conveyed to the family.
According to the Ahmed Toubasi, a request to release Qumsieh was sent to the Attorney General's office two months before his death, on the grounds that the case was too old. The Attorney General never replied to this request.

Youssef Ismail Al-Baba

On January 3, Youssef Al-Baba was asked by employees of the District Governor in Nablus to come to the Governor's office to discuss a private matter. Al-Baba called his family to let them know that he would be with the Governor in the afternoon. At the time, he had in his possession approximately $30,000 in US dollars, Jordanian Dinars, and Israeli Shekels.

Youssef Al-baba.his death was the result of not ampulating the left arm, which was severely infected with gangrene, as a result of injuries sustained while being tortured.
For the first two days of his absence, Al-Baba's family assumed he had traveled to Ramallah or Hebron for a few days - something he did regularly for business purposes. On the third day of his absence, someone who had been in jail told the family that Al-Baba was in the military headquarters. The family went there and asked why Al-Baba was being held. They were told that it was on the order of the Governor.
One week after Al-Baba was detained, the family went to the Governor to ask why Al-Baba was imprisoned. They did not get an answer. The family attempted to use their many connections to powerful individuals and lawyers to try and see him. The Governor intervened by forbidding anyone to visit Al-Baba. Asked why, he replied that the suspect had refused to pay $15,000 in bail. This seems to be false, since Al-Baba had more than that in cash on his person. During this time, Al-Baba's brother Omar asked four

lawyers to represent the family. Each one refused after learning the details.

On the advice of lawyers, the family complained to the district prosecutor Ibrahim Amrou. On January 23, a formal letter of complaint was sent to Police District Commander Saadi Al-Naji, expressing concern for Al-Baba's life and safety and demanding the right to visit him and learn of the charges against him. The Commander promised to settle the matter soon, and have Al-Baba released.
On February 1, the family heard on Israel Radio that Al-Baba had been tortured to death.

PNA Admits Wrongdoing

In the following days, senior officials admitted that the actions of the security forces were unjustifiable. Justice Minister Freih Abu-Medein said that Al-Baba "had been illegally imprisoned and was subjected to extreme torture which led to his death." [AFP, Feb. 3]

Human rights organizations in Palestine and internationally joined in criticizing the security forces for this additional death in custody, number 10 according to Amnesty International since the arrival of the PNA. The newspaper Al-Quds, close the President Arafat, allowed an article to be published critical of the death of Al-Baba on February 18, two and a half weeks after his death.


From left to right: Qumsieh's sister in law, President Arafat, qumsieh's sister, and Helen Qumsieh. President Arafat promised to help.
Attorney General Khalid Al-Qidrah has stated that "the PA and its legal apparatuses deal with these incidents in a very up-to-date manner.... The PA has not attempted to hide the truth behind any incident, and it does not try to cover up for anybody or defend any guilty party." [Palestine Report, Feb. 28] Al-Qidrah added that the series of instructions issued by President Arafat will be effective in reducing the number of such incidents, which have "dramatically decreased in frequency" anyway. In our opinion, these statements are optimistic and do not reflect the facts.


PA Must Do More to Protect Human Rights

The truth however is less straightforward. In some cases, notably with Mahmoud Jumayyel (tortured to death by the Naval Police in July, 1996) and Al-Baba, arrests are made, and those guilty of the violations of human rights are tried and convicted and sentenced to lengthy terms in prison. This is to be commended. But where are the results of the investigations? What about the responsibility of the senior officers in charge of those who are now in prison? What about the culture of violence within the prisons, and within the security forces, that makes violence both widespread and routine?

It may be to early to demand the results of the Al-Baba investigation, but the PA should respond to the substance of the charges made by the Amnesty International (AI) report in December 1996, rather than attacking it report as 'Western


Fayez Qumsieh
intimidation of the PA.' This report accused the Palestinian security forces of practicing systematic torture, and accused the PA of complacency in the face of numerous deaths in custody. Those charges have never been addressed except in the most general terms, and promises given in the past to release the results of official investigations have not yet been honored.
Furthermore, it is unjustifiable that only the deaths of prisoners received public attention. The conditions in the prisons are intolerable, with prisoners suffering from cold, inadequate food, lack of exercise, over-crowding, beatings, and denial of family and legal visits. Prisoners are frequently tortured during interrogation, and the PA defends the torturers in practice, even as high officials condemn torture in principle.
For example, testimony from torture victims has implicated 'Samour' of the Military Intelligence in Ramallah in numerous cases of torture. [A report on 'Samour' is pending.] In January it was reported that he was fired from his position. Both Amin Al-Hindi

(PGSS Chief) and Ghazi Al-Jabali (Police Chief) responded to that rumor with a vigorous defense of Samour, explaining that he was merely being transferred to a new post. In this way senior officers responsible for torture are protected, while the lower ranks are given stiff sentences if caught, and no punishment at all if torture victims remain alive.

Human rights organizations, including the PHRMG, receive numerous letters from prisoners and family members describing the brutal conditions they suffer from. Such letters should be published by the major daily newspapers in Palestine, namely Al-Quds, Al-Hayyat Al-Jadida, and Al-Ayyam. The way that the PA treats prisoners is a reflection of the development of Palestinian society and democracy. It is therefore necessary to struggle around these issues today, rather than following a passive policy of 'waiting and seeing' and leaving the responsibility of fighting torture in the hands of those who employ the torturers.

The PHRMG condemns the systematic practice of torture in the PA as barbaric and symptomatic of the worst features of repressive dictatorships. The occasional imprisonment of junior officers who have 'erred' by allowing a torture victim to die is not an acceptable substitute for actions promoting the rule of law, including:

1. The establishment of an effective and public mechanism for investigating complaints against the security services.
2. The prosecution in court, and in the presence of journalists, of those responsible for torture and other human rights violations - including senior officers bearing responsibility.
3. The publication of the results of official investigations in a timely manner.
4. Strengthening of the rule of law in Palestine, and the complete subjugation of the security forces to civil authorities and recognized branches of the government.

While the legal responsibility for correcting these abuses lies with President Arafat, Attorney General Al-Qidrah, and the commanding officers of each security force, we cannot leave them to solve the problems on their own. It is the Palestinian people, through public action and the work of our elected representatives in the Legislative Council, who bear ultimate responsibility. c action and the work of our elected representatives in the Legislative Council, who bear ultimate responsibility.
 

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