The Palestinian
Mystique
by Anne Levesque
September
2005
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Abstract |
4 |
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I. INTRODUCTION |
5 |
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i. Historical Background |
7 |
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ii. Gender-Sensitive
Approach |
8 |
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iii. Cultural Relativism |
10 |
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iv. Literature Review |
12 |
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II. WOMEN’S VOICES |
14 |
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1. HEALTH CARE AND SERVICE |
15 |
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i. Context |
15 |
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ii.
Occupation and Women’s Health |
17 |
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iii. Enhancing Women's Security
Through Health: Case Study |
22 |
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2. KINSHIP |
23 |
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i. Context |
23 |
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ii. Occupation and kinship |
24 |
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iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Kinship: Case Study |
27 |
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3. EDUCATION |
29 |
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i. Context |
29 |
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ii. Education and Occupation |
30 |
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iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Education: Case Study |
32 |
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4. ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITES |
34 |
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i. Context |
34 |
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ii. Occupation and Women’s Responsibilities |
35 |
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iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Roles & Responsibilities:
Case Study |
38 |
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5. HONOR |
39 |
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i. Context |
39 |
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ii. Honor and Occupation |
41 |
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iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Honor: Case Study |
43 |
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III. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE |
44 |
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i. Context |
44 |
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ii. Occupation and Domestic Violence |
45 |
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iii. Increased Militarization; a Problem with No Borders |
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IV. CONCLUSION |
50 |
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V. REFERENCES |
53 |
This paper is dedicated to all
the exceptionally remarkable women who I’ve had the great privilege to meet and
forge friendships with in the past few months. I will be eternally grateful for
how you have boundlessly opened your hearts and your homes to me and for your
unfathomable willingness to generously share with me your innermost hopes,
dreams, fears, strengths, and insecurities.
I will cherish my memories of our fascinating discussions, along with
those of your mouth watering Wara Dawali, your refined dance moves and your
breathtaking wedding pictures, forever. Thank you for patiently helping me
overcome the ethnocentric stereotypes that I naively held about your culture,
while never once judging me according to what is commonly believed about my
own. Your resilient spirits and warm hearts have touched me in a way that is
simply impossible for me to fully convey to you. I truly hope that this paper
has done justice to the strength, the kindheartedness and the inner beauty that
is so striking in each and every one of you.
In-shalah!
With much love and admiration,
Anne
Abstract
Assessments of the impact of armed conflict are, by in large, inherently
male-gendered in that they often rely solely on quantifying values which relate
exclusively to the male-dominated public sphere while failing to include
elements pertaining to the private sphere, where most of women's activities
generally occur.
In order to help create a more accurate, and non gender-biased picture
of the impact of the second Intifada,
this paper aims to emphasize the experience of women in the OPT during this
armed conflict. Firstly, it examines how women's health care access, education
opportunities and kinship were deleteriously effected during the second Intifada. This paper then discusses the impact of increased militarization
on the concept of honor and women's roles in the OPT, and in regards to the
normalization of violence on both sides of the Green Line. Through various case
studies, this paper also highlights how Palestinian women have worked together
in solidarity to overcome the hardships they have faced and how they have
endeavored to forge their own, gender-inclusive conceptualization of human
security.
I.
INTRODUCTION
International
relations and politics have always been, and continue to be, male dominated
disciplines. The continuous absence of women involvement, through the roles of
diplomats, soldiers and civil servants, has produced grave, albeit very
foreseeable, conceptual and practical problems within these fields.
Unfortunately, these problems are self-perpetuating rather than
self-correcting. The marked gender imbalance which exists within such
decision-making circles has created an environment which encourages and
stimulates those who develop political and military policies to manifest only
male-gendered behaviors, and to establish priorities, policies, methods and
strategies according to their own, personal experiences and values, which are
unrepresentative of the population as a whole. The inevitable products of this
gender misrepresentation are gender-biased views and practice of international
relation and national security. However, because these gendered customs are so
pervasive, they have become normalized and, as a result, are often perceived as
inherent traits of the disciplines. These profound gender-biases are further
exacerbated by the fact that academic bodies pertaining to these fields are
also largely male-dominated. When these male-gendered concepts, strategies, and
notions of IR are studied and analyzed by predominantly male academics, who
readily endorse them and vouch for their accuracy, they become further
legitimized and are eventually passed-off as universal knowledge. The alleged
"universal" body knowledge produced through this process is, in
actuality, men’s knowledge, as it does not include the experience of women,
neither in its conceptualization nor in its application. [1]
The consequences
of producing male-gendered knowledge, and passing it off as universal truths,
are not entirely theoretical. The potential graveness of falsely universalizing
knowledge becomes more tangible when
one considers the manner in which the male-gendered conceptualization of nation
security has effected the lives of women.
The commonly accepted conceptualization of nation security, albeit
blatantly male-gendered, is one which emphasizes political, military and
economical stability. Military force is perceived, particularly according to
realist theorists, as the most effective means of achieving this alleged
security. The conceptualization does not take into account the experience of
women in determining what shapes security or insecurity, nor does it consider
the grave consequences of increased militarization on the lives of women and
other marginalized groups. As a result,
measures that are allegedly established to contribute to "national
security" are quite often, ironically, the very cause of insecurities for
women.[2]
The approaches
used to studying the consequences of war and armed conflicts are also male-gendered.
As is the case in other male-dominated disciplined which have produced
male-gendered knowledge, studies pertaining to consequences of war
“are quantified by
men for men and that since those who are making the decisions are men,...those
values which are excluded from this determination are those of our environment,
and of women and children."[3]
As a result, the very values which are used to quantify the consequences of armed conflict - political, economical and military losses and gains – are in themselves gendered in that they pertain solely to the public realm, from which women are, by and large, excluded in many societies. On the other hand, elements pertaining to the private realm, where most of women’s activities generally occur, are not taken into account. While it is often said that this is merely due to the fact that such elements cannot be quantified, the failure to conceive analytical tools to properly access the experience of women has caused the alleged general assessments of « the cost » of armed conflict to focus solely on the experience of men. Meanwhile, the sufferance of women to be easily disregarded, if not completely ignored.
Given that the
core of women’s activities in many societies often do not occur within the more
observable boundaries of the male-dominated public sphere, a different approach
must be used to understand the experience of women. Such an approach should
seek to emphasis the voices and the experiences of women.[4] If
the experiences of women cannot be successfully
incorporated in a system which purports to measure the consequence of armed
conflict, then it is the system which is invalid. Including the experience and voice of women in
the assessments of the consequences of armed conflicts is the only way a fair,
complete and truly accurate picture can be drawn.
i.
Historical Background
The Sharm
el-Sheikh
Women and girls,
on both sides of the Green Line, have been effected differently than men and
boys by the Al-Alkasa Intifada. As is
the case in most armed conflicts, men and boys have accounted for a
substantially larger part of the causalities, both in
ii.
Gender-sensitive approach
In
order to adopt a gender-sensitive viewpoint of the impact of the second Intifada on the lives of the Palestinian
woman, the context in which she lives must inevitably be considered. In the case of Palestinian society, the
patriarchal system plays an influential role in shaping of woman’s experience.
Patriarchy can
be described as a type of power relationship which originates in the domestic
sphere. Within this system, the behaviors and practices of all individuals
serve the interests, needs and concerns of those who rank higher in the
conceptual power scheme, which is generally determined according to gender and
age. With time, this power structure, as well as the subordination and the
dominance it creates, becomes so entrenched in the shaping of relationships and
identities that it is normalized, then reproduced and institutionalized in
other aspects of the public sphere. Social, political, legal, religious,
economical and educational systems foster, legitimize, and reinforce the
established power hierarchy while tending to the interests of those who benefit
from it. [7]
Often used as an
analytical lens through which to interpreter power configurations in many
societies, patriarchy, and the power structure which it creates, is
particularly appropriate to understanding of women in the OPT. According to
Cheryl Rubenberg, the overpowering supremacy of patriarchal system,
particularly within refugee camps and rural communities, has been deleterious
to Palestinian women, in all aspects of their lives. She explains,
It is a system for monopolizing resources, maintaining of kinship status, reproducing patriline, controlling women’s sexuality and bodies, legitimizing violence, regulation education to reproduce the roles and relations socialized in the family, focusing health care exclusively to maternity and procreation, and limiting women’s access to the labor market as well as defining the types of work in which women may engage.[8]
In light of the
significant role it has played in influencing behaviors and the nature of
relationships in the OPT, patriarchy is considered by many scholars as an
element which must unavoidably be taking into account in studies pertaining to
women’s experience in this society. Doing so, however, often incites much
criticism.
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iii.
Cultural relativism To many minds,
behaviors and practices relating to gender are culturally constructed and
deeply embedded in way to life. Advocates of cultural relativism and other
likeminded deconstructivist theorists contend that conceptualizations of
gender are the product of traditions, history and religious beliefs. In their
opinion, condemning gender inequalities, particularly when done by adherents
of a different culture with its own, distinctive, although comparatively
strong and pervasive forms of patriarchy, has been dubbed as academic
colonialism, self-righteousness, bigotry or ethnocentricity.[9] While
conceding that academics and intellects of the Western world are indeed
culpable of demonstrating arrogant and prejudicial attitudes towards other
cultures, many contend that such historical tendencies should not be used to
silence the denunciation of unjust, discriminatory or oppressive practices
when they do occur. Countering arguments made by cultural relativists, Simon
Blackburn argues that many grave injustices have also, in the past, been
embedded in culture. Unspeakable
wrongs have been done in its name. This does not make them acceptable.[10]
According to him, branding blatant discriminatory behavior, however
convenient it may be, as culture, should not serve as shield on which
analysis, scrutiny and criticism can be deflected. Moreover, to dismiss
practices, such as gender apartheid and the objectification of women, as mere
cultural traditions is to fail to recognize the underlying purpose which
these alleged cultural behaviors so blatantly serve in the maintenance and
perpetuation of the established power structure and those who benefit from
it. Farborz Pooya explains, Cultures and
religions are not harmless concepts. They are institutions; a part of the
organization of society. Usually, people who advocate those views, reduce it
to an individual level and individual choice. But in reality, culture is part
of the institution of the ruling class. Religion is an establishment that
practices and advocates a certain way of life. [11]
In sum,
cultures are not static entities. They can, and should evolve to suit to the
economical, political and social needs of the individuals they serve.
Elaborating on this view, Marda Del Collins specifies that the manner in
which notion of dignity, respect and equality are conceptualized may vary
from culture, nation, religion, class, and individual. What is crucial is
that the woman’s voice be heard before a judgment regarding the given
practice is made. “Unless feminists examine the [alleged form of
oppression] and the women behind it, from a multifaceted/holistic
perspective, rather than judging this practice as either "right" or
"wrong," "good," or "bad," we not only mimic
the dualistic thinking that creates gender apartheid, we alienate the very
women we hope to liberate from its restrictions.” [12] Above all, the
existence of patriarchy in one society should not be used to justify or
silence the criticism of gender inequality in another. Of course, the
contrary is often argued. Many have suggested that one should not criticize
patriarchal aspects of another society if other forms of oppression exist in
ones own country. Doing so has often been deemed as hypocritical and has been
compared to “throwing rocks while living in a glass house”. Ironically enough, it is often these same
people who have also labeled Western feminists as being part of an elitism
movement all about “getting political and corporate power for educated white
women”[13]
when they advocate against gender-inequalities pertaining specifically to
their own country or field of work, such a pay equity and compensation. This
thus leaves feminists in a perplexing predicament. On one hand, they are
condemned as elitists and self-interested when they advocate for changes from
which they would personally benefit. On the other hand, they are labeled as
colonialists when they attempt to show solidarity towards other women by
working within causes which do not affect them directly. Essentially, the
only acceptable behavior for women in light of this besieging criticism would
be to submissively accept their oppression.
Most troubling
of all, such arguments fail to recognize the interconnection between the
different forms of patriarchy, which exist around the world. Patriarchy, in
all its forms, is a threat to all women. It has no borders, no race, nor
religion. As such, it is in the best interest of all women to actively
condemn all forms of patriarchy, however they may be manifested. Cultural,
national, economic and religious divisions are all but superficial barriers
constructed by those who withhold power to prevent solidarity within
universal, albeit multi-facetted, struggle toward gender equality. A common, unified, front is necessary
within sisterhood. |
iv.
Literature Review
Several
studies, conducted by various international organizations and scholars, have
highlighted the effects of Occupation, and more particularly the Al-Alaksa Intifada, on the security of
Palestinian women. Most of these studies implicitly or explicitly consider
patriarchy as a factor, if not a cause, of women’s lack of security in the
OPT.
Drawing
from interviews conducted shortly after the first Intifada with women from
rural areas and refugee camps throughout the
In
a field study conducted by Eileen Kuttab, under the authority of the UNIFEM and
with the collaboration of a team of local researchers from the Women's Studies
Institute of
The
2004 December report published by the United Nations Economic and Social
Council discussed the situation of Palestinian women and the efficacy of the
assistance available to them. The study depicted the situation of women in the
OPT in light of the socio-economic circumstances of the communities in which
they lived. It identified the various barriers to health, employment and
education created by Occupation and how these elements have been particularly
prejudicial to women’s security.
Yakin Ertuk
analyzed the link between militarization and violence against women in the OPT.
According to her, the integrated system of aggression and force by the Israeli
Defense Forces has legitimizes the use of violence against women in other
contexts, such as within the home and in the community. She also argued that
increased pressure and tensions due to Occupation has created an environment
more conducive to the manifestation of violent behaviors. Women, due to their
socialized roles of vulnerability, are often the most affected by this.
Occupied was thus both the direct and indirect root of women’s insecurities in
the OPT.
Amnesty
International took a bold stance regarding the impact of patriarchy and
Occupation on the lives of Palestinian women. In their recently published study
regarding the condition of women living in the OPT, Amnesty International unapologetically
concluded that the oppression of women in
II.
WOMEN'S VOICES
These studies are amongst the countless
others supporting the notion that women in the OPT have been rendered more
vulnerable to the effects of Occupation and Intifada
due to patriarchal elements in Palestinian society. Both have contributed, if not caused,
considerable insecurities in the lives of women. In light of these studies, I
have endeavored to discover how Palestinian women have coped, if not overcome,
this alleged two-fold oppression. Rather than adopting the dominant historical
discourse, which generally aims to make blanket assumptions regarding the general
impact of events on a diverse, multi-facetted population, the social history
approach has been deemed more suitable for the purpose of this research paper.
This method emphasizes the manner in which individuals, in this case women,
have experienced, reacted to and perceived historical events and situations. I
have focused on key issues of a women’s being; education, health, kinship,
honor and gender-roles, issues which Palestinian women have identified to me as
defining elements their being and security. I will analyze each element
individually and consider how they have been shaped by patriarchy and
Occupation. Finally, I will reveal what Palestinian women have said to me in
respects to these issues, particularly in regards to how they have responded to
the overwhelming burdens which they have faced and the specific measures
various women have individually and collectively taken to enhance women’s
security in the OPT.
1.
HEALTH CARE AND SERVICE
i. Context
Physical and
mental health are vital elements in women’s security and well-being. The
quality and the nature of the health care services provided to women are strong
indicators of how and why they are valued in society. They reveal the
underlying expectations and values regarding a women’s behavior. Women in many
societies, including in the OPT, receive inadequate and inequitable health
service and care compared to men. This is not, at least in the case of the OPT,
due to the fact that the health care system and policies explicitly
discriminate against women. Rather, the inferior quality of health services for
women, particularly in the OPT, is generally said to be a consequence of
elaborating health programs according to the needs and requirements of men, which
can be linked to the lack of women involvement within
decision-making processes pertaining to health care.[14] As a result, general health care services
designed to cater to the population as a whole are, in reality, men’s health
services in that they “perceive men's identity and experience as the
characterization or standard of what it is to be a person and to portray female
differences where they occur, as deviant."[15]
Consequently, gender specific needs and vulnerabilities are more prone to be
neglected, if not completely overlooked. In instances where specific health
services are available for women, they are most often related to their reproductive function. Such measures commonly focus more on the health and development of the
fetus instead, if not to the detriment, of the mother. [16] Without trivializing
the potential benefits that such programs may produce, it should also be
recognized that they clearly illustrate, and reinforce, the tendency to value
women solely for their reproduction functions in society and to disregard other
aspects of their lives that do not relate to this purpose.[17]
Moreover,
much like other Middle Eastern and North African countries, the OPT continue to
face major challenges in meeting reproductive and women's health care needs.
This has been attributed to a wide range of factors such as widespread
ignorance about reproductive health issues, financial constraints and
significant gender inequality. [18]
The quality of care offered to women in refugee camps and rural areas in the
“Gender and social roles which privilege men make it
difficult for women to receive a fair share of family resources, even if they
financially contribute most towards them, within some households. In
particular, women have little control over their own sexual and reproductive
decisions” [20]
Moreover,
patriarchal aspects of Palestinian society have created certain social stigmas
relating to women’s health and education. Women’s health and sexual health are
generally taboo topics.[21]
Discussing such issues is perceived as shameful and dishonorable. As a result,
women generally have little knowledge about their bodies and their reproductive
systems. Very often, for example, women fail to seek treatment for
genitourinary problems because they feel ashamed and fear that their problems
are caused by their behavior or wrongdoing.[22]
ii. Occupation and Women’s Health
Occupation
has further exacerbated the tendency to undervalue women’s health and has had
detrimental effects on women’s physical, physiological and emotional well
being. Since the beginning of Israeli Occupation, the development of Palestinian
health system has been severely restricted. For example, in spite of the 45%
population increase which occurred in the
a) Pregnancy and labor
In
addition to this,
Security
measures imposed during Intifada also rendered the delivery of babies extremely
problematical, if not dangerous. The frequency and manner in which
complications have occurred highlight the extent of the problem. Niveen
Kahleel, 25, from Kafr Aqeb, is one of the many Palestinian women forced to
give birth at checkpoint after being refused passage. When it became obvious
that the soldiers of Qalandia checkpoint, north of
Roadblocks and
military closures are yet another aspect of increased militarization from which
women can be particularly affected. The women of Wadi Illgrous are especially
aware of this. A large part of the road which enabled them to access the
transportation to nearby
b) Women’s health
Women’s health
services are not limited to reproductive health. In the case of the OPT,
gender-specific health service non-relating to a woman’s reproductive function
have been particularly neglected. As is the case in many patriarchal societies,
a women’s health is valued only in terms of maintaining and assuring her
reproductive function. As a result, gender specific health care services
unrelated to child-baring are often left uncared for, particularly when
resources are limited.[33]
Also due to the scarcity of resources, many health programs now focus solely on
primary curative services, while discarding preventive programming which should
dominate health care services and which are so indispensable to women’s health.[34]
For example, widespread poverty and substantial deficiency of preventive health
care services have caused the percentage of women suffering from anemia to be
alarmingly high, particularly in
Also indicative
of the deficiency in gender specific heath services in Gaza is the lack of
medical facilities able to adequately diagnose and care for women suffering
from breast cancer. As a consequence,
the breast cancer survival rate in Gaza is between 30-40%, compared to 75% in
Israel. Moreover, the diagnoses generally occur at dangerously late stages of
the development of the cancer. More than 60% of women are diagnosed when their
cancer has spread to the lymph glands and 17% after the cancer has spread to
other parts of their bodies.[36]
According to Akvia Eldar, “diagnosis opportunities and medical treatment are
inadequate and many patients do not succeed in leaving to obtain treatment
which is not availed in Gaza Strip”.[37]
As such, the few patients who are fortunate enough to be sent to Israel for
treatment do so at a relatively advanced stage in their cancer, often after
other treatments have failed, and even worsened, their health.
The story of
Fatma Barghout clearly demonstrates this reality. In April of 2003, when the 26
year-old university student discovered a lump in her breast, she immediately
went to a local health clinic in order to have it examined. After several
visits to the doctor, Fatma specifically asked to have the lump removed.
Pregnant at the time, Fatma’s request was denied by a doctor who promised her
that things would improve after she gave birth. When this failed to happen,
Fatma began the complex bureaucratic process of obtaining permission to undergo
treatment in Israel. She applied several
times, always receiving no answer. Finally, with the help Physicians for Human
Rights, she was granted permission to enter, though her request for
accompaniment was denied. Even with this permission, access to radiation
treatment was not guaranteed as the Erez crossing, into Israel, was often
closed. In addition to this, she was once denied passage at the border when her
breast caused a buzz at the security check. After numerous other complications,
Fatma died in her home in November 2004. [38]
c) Mental Health
Physical health is strongly related to mental
health. While Occupation, and more specifically, the increased militarization
which occurred during Intifada, has
had horrendous effects on the mental health of all Palestinians, women have
been subjected to additional gender-specific sufferance. Members of the Victims
of Torture Rehabilitation Centre (VTPC) have identified the wives of detainees
and former-detainees as being particularly vulnerable to suffering from various
mental health problems.[39]
This was a very common problem for women during the Second Intifada as over 15
000 Palestinians were reportedly detained between March 2002 to March 2004,
while over 7000 remained in prison in 2004 March.[40]
According to Khader Rasras, clinical physiologist with VTPC, the absence of the male
figure in the household is exceptionally difficult for women. Wives of
detainees often find themselves in constant conflict and personal struggle to
fill the gap created by the missing husband, which is especially challenging
given the strong patriarchal tradition in the OPT. Rasras notes that although
the community is generally supportive of their efforts, women generally indulge
in self-doubt given the less-conventional nature of their new role and
responsibilities. According to Rasras, this generally causes substantial anxiety,
nervousness, stress and low self-esteem. Unfortunately, the husband’s return to
the home does not remedy the situation. Rasras observes that detained men often
develop utopian visions of what their family life will be like upon their
return as coping mechanisms in the form of idealistic conceptualizations which
rarely take into account the women’s feelings. Upon their return, they often
attempt to impose this mental picture on their family, and more specifically
their wives. The women, in response, are expected to help create this ideal,
while also consoling their disillusioned husbands when it is not fully
achieved. Moreover, since important adaptive changes have occurred in the
household in the father’s absence, the ex-detainees faces considerable
challenges in becoming reintegrated in his family life. Generally, it is the
women who work to reconcile their husbands’ dreams with how families have come
to function during their absence. [41]
|
iii.
Enhancing women's security through health The
Bureij Women’s Health Centre is just one example of how Palestinian women
have sought to enhance their security in terms of health and wellness,
through their solidarity. Initiated by a team of five Palestine women
concerned about women’s health, the center’s grass-roots program takes a
multi-disciplinary approach to women's wellness. It offers family planning,
health education, mental health programs and legal referrals to women of the
community. The staff, mostly all women, helped over 13000 women in 1998
alone.[42]
Since then, they have continued to serve an average of thirty women a day, in
their walk-in clinic alone. Once women visit the walk in clinic or take part
in one of its various social activities, such as going to the beach or yoga
lessons, they are made aware of and referred to other programs offered by the
centre. These include health education, family planning consultations,
various workshops, social services, individual, couple and family counseling
and legal services, all of which the staff at the centre consider to be means
to enhancing women’s security. The
community’s outreach program has been particularly effective in changing
people’s attitudes and raising awareness regarding women’s health. Firyal
Thabet, the center’s director, is a confident woman with a proud posture and
a warm smile. She admits that she encountered many problems when the centre
first opened its doors. At the time, many people feared and condemned the
center, particularly in regards to its dealing with traditionally taboo
subjects during its educational workshop. Critics often accused the center’s
staff of trying to destroy traditions and family values. The women of the
center felt that knowledge and awareness was their most effective shield. In
response, Firyal and the other staff members decided to personally invite
their harshest critics, along with their wives and daughters, to visit the
centre. While most would initially object to the idea, she would persist
until they accepted. “Once they saw what we were actually doing, they
developed increasingly favorable attitudes towards the center.” She adds that
some of the center’s strongest opponents are now its most ardent supporters.[43]
The
women of Hebron have also taken part in such initiatives. Various medical
awareness days were organized in the Old City during Intifada to provide
health services to women. Zleikha Muhtased was instrumental in the
organization and implementation of a program that offered a temporary clinic
to over 125 women in a single day. Most importantly, says Zleika, the clinic
helped raise awareness and encouraged women to learn about various issues
regarding their health. |
2.
KINSHIP
i. Context
Family plays a
central role in Palestinian society. While Palestinian women generally greatly
value their family and friends and consider these relationships as sources of
comfort and security, social pressures and traditions can make it difficult for
them to maintain these relationships. In regards to family, Palestinian girls
developed strong ties with their family members, especially their mothers and
sisters, during their childhoods. Particularly in more traditional households
were a women’s activity is more likely to be limited to the private sphere,
mothers and sisters represent important elements of a young women’s social and
educational development and being. Shadia, 19, from Ramalah greatly values the
strong bond she developed with her mother during her childhood and says that it
defers to her brothers' feelings as they were permitted to have other social
and educational outlets. Yet, unlike her brothers, Shadia left her hometown
when she married. She readily admits that leaving everything that was familiar
to her left her feeling uprooted and lost.[44]
Shadia’s situation is a very common one in the OPT, where a woman is expected
to relocate to the residence of her husband.
The obstacles to
maintaining ties with childhood friends are equally, if not more, hindering for
Palestinian women. While Palestine women of all ages reiterated to me the
importance of maintaining strong ties with their friends, especially within the
context of the extended family, many of them also expressed the difficulties
they encountered when trying to achieve this. Again, young women are often
called to leave their home towns and social circles when they marry.
Maintaining friendships may also be difficult when limitations are imposed on
their movement and socialization. Women who walk alone on the streets, notably
in smaller villages and towns, are often perceived as dishonorable and kinship between
women is often discouraged by family.
Moreover, a women’s father, husband or eldest brother plays a decisive
role in determining what friendship she can maintain. For example, a single 26
year old woman I interviewed, while permitted to leave the house to visit young
women in nearby homes, was prohibited by her eldest brother from doing so in my
company. He feared that being seen with a foreign woman may have a negative
effect on her reputation and further hinder her chances of getting married. [45]
ii. Occupation and kinship
Israeli
Occupation and increased militarization has made it further difficult for
Palestinian women to maintain ties with friends and families, thus severely
disturbing the generally security of women in the OPT. As mentioned, the most
devastating and also the most common predicament which women encounter
regarding kinship is their isolation from their families and childhood friends
after marriage and their inability to visit them. The situation for Palestinian
couples living in Israel is particularly problematic. The prevalent tendency of
prohibiting family unification was officially incorporated into Israeli law,
and further complicated, when the Knesset enacted the Nationality and Entry
Law. Through this retroactive law, which was constitutionally challenged by the
Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Arab, thousands of married couples
already living in Israel instantaneously became illegal residences of the
country. This draconian measure has been particularly devastating for women who
had married Palestinian Israeli men. Many of them have since chosen to remain
in Israel, in spite of this new law, thus living in constant fear of
displacement from their homes and separation from their families.[46]
Women who move
into the West Bank or the Gaza Strip, from other occupied areas, after
marriage, also face similar problems. While both the Cairo Agreement of May
1994 and the Interim Agreement failed to address Palestinian’s concerns
regarding family unification, a 1997 agreement between the two sides granted
the PA the responsibility of establishing the criteria for the screening of
applications, although Israel reserved its right of veto and to set quotas.[47]
In spite of this, the discouragingly low quotas set by Israel and the prolonged
duration and complexity of the application process, in addition to husbands who
often failed to appreciate the importance for their new wives to maintain ties
with families and friends, often deterred couples from taking the initiative to
obtain the proper documents for their wives to legally reside in the OPT.
Living as illegal residence became the only options for newly weds during Intifada, when the cooperation between
Israel and PA in issuing family unification permits was completely halted. As
such, many women I encountered were forced to live in clandestine, within the
invisible enclaves of their new communities, in constant fear of encounters
with the IDF or collaborators. For these women, visiting childhood friends and
families was simply not an option. The erection of a greater number of
checkpoints throughout the OPT further limited the possibility of such women to
return home to visit their families once they were married.
Even in
circumstances in which women have the proper documentation to travel,
checkpoints represent substantial hindrance to their traveling outside of their
villages. Though Palestinian women have generally developed what they describe
as “thick skins” in their ability to cope with long waits and ill treatments at
checkpoints, they often dread the process and are particularly angered by
inappropriate behavior of soldiers. While Farouz, refuses to allow such feeling
restrict what she recognizes as her freedom of movement, 18 year-old from
Balata camp, says that she has often felt incredibly uncomfortable and offended
by improper comments made by soldiers to her and her classmates at a checkpoint
on her way to school. She recalled with disgust one incidence in particular
where a younger soldier made several sexual propositions to her and her friends
and continuously asked her for her phone number while she waited to walk
through the metal detector at the checkpoint.
The erecting of
the Wall has also been detrimental to Palestinian women and their ability to
maintain ties with their friends and families. The Wall’s significant deviation
from the 1967 border, and its encroachment into the West Bank, has divided and
enclosed countless Palestinian families. Bt’selem estimates that there are
approximately 263,200 people caged into the area between the Green Line and the location
where the wall is, or will be, built.[48] Again, married women who leave their home towns to
live with their new husbands are particularly vulnerable to being affected by
this alleged security measure. According to the Palestinian Bureau of
Statistics, the Wall has caused decreased movement for women in 78, 1 % of households they polled (77.4% of the women living
to the east of the fence, and 86.8 % of those who live to the west of it).[49]
Settler violence
is another source of considerable insecurities in women’s lives. Hallod, 13
years old from Wadi Illgrous notes that her brother, but a year older than she,
has considerably more liberty in visiting friends and taking part in social
activities. While she is allowed to visit friends who live within walking
distance of her home, she is prohibited from taking taxis and buses, a
privilege that her brother enjoys. Hallod says that her parents have imposed
these rules out of fear of attacks from settlers, which are particularly
violent and frequent on Holidays and Shabbat. [50]
|
iii. Enhancing women's security through
kinship In light of
this discouraging situation, Palestinian women have demonstrated great
resourcefulness and strong will by working to improve their human security
through their strength and solidarity. This is most apparent through the
manner in which married women are received and welcomed by the mother,
sisters and other women members of the family of her new husbands. Rada is a perfect example of this.[51]
Rada is a
quite but strong-minded 33-year-old woman. She grew up in Jordan with her
family who moved to Saudi Arabia, ten years ago, shortly after she married a
Palestinian man, from the West Bank. According to her husband, with whom I
spoke to after interviewing Rada, the process for his wife to obtain the
proper documents to become a legal resident of the West Bank was too costly
and complicated for it to be worth the effort. The family, he said, had other
more important priorities. Because of this predicament, she cannot leave her
community, let alone the country and has, in effect, been unable to see her
family in more than ten years. When her younger brother married two years ago
in Jordon, in a town only a short bus ride away from the Palestinian border,
she could not attend as attempting to cross the border without the proper
documents would have promised deportation. Not seeing her family was
noticeably disheartening for Rada.
Within the first moments of my visit with her, Rada insisted on
showing me the few out-dated pictures that she had of her family, which she
had carefully tucked away under the nightstand next to her bed. Her younger
sisters, who were but toddlers on the pictures she showed me, were now
teenagers. Rada says that
it is through her personal strength and the solidarity that her friends and
sisters in-laws that she has been able to cope with her situation. Her family
home is a complex shared with the family of her husband’s sister. The women,
and girls, of both families, have developed strong friendships that Rada
feels have helped her feel more comfortable and secure in her new
environment. I do miss my family
so much. I think of them everyday. However, my husband’s sisters and
sisters-in-law are always there for me. They support me in everything I do.
Though nothing can ever replace my family, their lover and friendship is what
helps me cope and brings me joy. The
cooperation between the women, in all that they do, is remarkable. As I spoke
to Rada, she was surrounded by her sisters-in-law and nieces who comforted
her. She finished the interview with a smile, stressing that her
sisters-in-law were always there for her. It was their love, she emphasized,
that enabled her to overcome her situation. |
3.
EDUCATION
i. Context
Education is a
defining element of women’s security in that it empowers them and contributes
to their self-esteem, independence and freedom. There has been considerable
progress in terms of the accessibility of and attitudes toward education of
women in the OPT in the past ten years.[52]
Post secondary education, once considered exclusive to man, is now becoming
increasing accessible to women. In fact, several faculties of Birzeit
University in the West Bank, boost enrollment figures in which women outnumber
men.[53]
According to Eileen Kuttab, these figures can be linked to the changes in the
attitudes of Palestinian men and women towards women's education.[54]
These attitudes were apparent in the women with whom I spoke, who time after
time, reiterated to me the importance of education for women. In fact, most
women considered education as being more important for a woman than a man. In
addition to being perceived as "a political weapon to confront Israel on
equal terms"[55],
education is also regarded as the only means to which high-pay employment is
accessible to women, whose practical skills are often considered less valuable
than those of men. Melick, 49, mother of nine of Ramallah, was one of the many
women who proudly spoke of her daughters plans to pursue a post-secondary
education. Like many other women, she sees education as a commodity for
Palestinians women.[56]
However
important it may be perceived, a woman’s education opportunity is often
hampered by certain patriarchal traditions that still remain. While many women with whom I spoke returned
to university after having children, the high drop-out rates in girls getting
married at younger ages continue to be a significant problem in the OPT,
particularly in rural communities. UNIFEM estimates that about 40% of teenage girls, mostly those from rural areas, become
wives and mothers before they complete tawjihi
[57] or
learn an occupation.[58]
Moreover, in terms of post-secondary education, it is often perceived as less economically feasible for a family to
invest in educating their daughter and daughters. Since tradition dictates that
it is the woman who must leave her family when she marries, families prefer to
financially support their sons, who are more likely remain in the area, even
after they marry. [59]
ii. Education and occupation
The rise in
poverty, strongly related to continuous Israeli Occupation and various security
measures imposed by Israel during Intifada,
has caused many Palestinian families to be in predicaments in which they cannot
afford to send all their children to university. An increasing number of
families do not have the luxury of paying for the education of all their
children. Asma, mother of three girls and five boys, from Gaza City, believes
that when choice must be made, it is often considered more viable for the
family to invest in their son's schooling as he is the one more likely to
support the family in the future. Moreover, the daughters of the increasingly
high number of women working outside the home, due to soaring unemployment
rates, or in cases where the male head is household has been detained or
killed, are often called to care for their younger siblings and to manage the
household. While not all girls in this situation are necessarily forced to quit
school, they are generally expected to devote less time to their studies and to
focus primarily on completing household chores. This was the situation of 17
year-old Azmakneh, of Rafah whose mother had been working outside the home
since her husband was martyred during the second Intifada. Although Azmakneh
is still attending school, she fears that her daily chores of cooking and
cleaning for her five younger siblings will make it difficult for her to
maintain an average that will enable her to be accepted to university.
Specific
concerns regarding the safety of girls and young women have also severely
impeded their education opportunities. In some communities, the increased
violence that occurred during Intifada has
legitimized and validated the perceived threat of women and girls being
sexually assaulted or corrupted by Israeli soldiers and settlers. Most
particularly, the widespread beliefs and preoccupations of an Israeli plot to
force Palestinian women into collaboration by sexual blackmail, most prevalent
in highly militarized rural areas, has caused many families to impose strict
limitations on the movement of women and girls.[60] Rumors that such incidences have actuality
occurred, in certain areas, have considerably heightened the wave of panic,
causing many families to completely prohibit their teen-aged daughters from
attending school. Several families of Wadi Illgrous revealed to me their fears
of having their daughters come in contact with the Israeli soldiers of a nearby
military base. Iklas, 13, told me that, due to the threat of corruption, she
was prohibited from going to school and leaving her home without accompaniment
at any time. She expected her younger sister to also stop attending school
after her upcoming twelfth birthday.
Settler violence
has also been a significant obstacle to girl’s access to education, notably in
the Hebron. Throughout Intifada, the
pupils of the Cordoba Elementary Girls School, located in the Old City of
Hebron, were the direct targets of settler violence and aggression. This
cumulated doing the week April 1, 2004, during which three particularly
troubling incidence occurred, as reported by the Alternative Information
Centre,
in one case, some
20 young Israeli settlers attacked an 11-year-old girl. The girl was injured
and taken to the local medical clinic after being hit by a stone in her neck.
Another 15-year-old girl was beaten to the ground and kicked by a settler man.
Another settler beat a pregnant staff member with a stick.[61]
While
Palestinians are generally willing to make incredible scarifies and take
significant risks in the name is education, the situation in Hebron in December
of 2003 reached unprecedented levels. In response to growing concern regarding
the security of pupil on their way to class, the head mistress of the all
girl’s school ordered the school to be closed due to settler violence.
|
iii.
Women's security through education Strength
Strongly
valuing their education, many Palestinian women have sought to overcome these
obstacles through their strength and solidarity. Janet, a strong willed and
opinionated 13 year-old girl from Hebron, clearly exemplifies this reality.
The young woman beams of self-confidence and strength. She is a
self-described tom-boy which is
made apparent through her boyish attire and love for sports. Upon several
occasions during my dinner at her family’s home, Janet audaciously and
unapologetically took part in our conversation by articulating her bold
opinions to her family and adults visitors. I watched in amazement as she
eloquently expressed her opposition with passion and vigor. Janet has been
directly affected by the increased violence during the last Intifada. She lives in one of the
eight houses on top of the hill in Tel Ramaida which has been completely
closed off to due settler violence. Like the other members of her family, she
must climb several fences and walls, and venture through narrow, rocky paths
in order to leave and enter her home. Going to school is particularly
challenging for her. She described to me in great detail, and with a hint of
pride, the terror she faced by settlers on her way to school and how she
bravely managed to escape. While her father elaborated upon the extent of the
danger to which his children were opposed, Janet mischievously rolled her
eyes. She later added that she did not fear the settlers, in spite of the
fact that they carried guns and often threw large rocks at her. Janet’s stance
towards this situation exemplified what typically demonstrated by
Palestinians women with whom I spoke. Rather than complying to the fear
imposed by occupation and paternalistic attitudes, Palestinians women prefer
to prove them wrong. Janet, for example, spoke with much annoyance when
telling me that the head mistress had closed down the all-girls school in
Hebron because of the violence of the settlers. Solidarity Karrem,
25 years old, highlights yet another manner in which Palestinian women have
transcended the barriers to their security through education. She earned a
degree in psychology during the second Intifada.
She identified curfews, checkpoints, and demonstrations to which soldier’s
violently responded and military orders to close the university she attended
as the main obstacles to her access to education. According to her, it is
thanks to the solidarity of her women classmates that she says she was able
to overcome some of these obstacles. The girls in my
class and I decided that it was important for us to stick together. We would
always approach checkpoints in a group. We did this is case any the soldiers
would give problems to any of us, which was quite frequent. It also made me
feel safer. When we weren’t allowed to pass, we would work together to find
ways to by-pass the soldiers and exchanges information regarding alternative
roots so that we could go to class.
Because of this cooperation, Karrem managed to complete her degree in
spite of the frequent closures of her university, checkpoints and road
blocks. She is now hoping to pursue a master’s in clinic psychology abroad. |
4.
ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITES
i.
Context
Patriarchy is an
influential factor in the shaping of the roles of women in the OPT. Rigid
conceptualizations of gender in Palestinian traditions have caused women’s
activities to be generally limited to the private sphere, while men’s work and
activity mostly occur within the public realm. As in many traditional
societies, the identity and self-perception of a woman are determined largely
according to her relationship with the man heading the household in which she
resides. The responsibilities that she is given are, in effect, dependent on
the nature of this relationship, and the pressure to conforms to what is
typically expected of a wife, daughter, sister, cousin or niece. The centrality
of family in Islam, reflected and reinforced by family laws based on the
Shari’a, is the first and most influential institution socializing Palestinian
women, in terms of their obligations, expectations and roles. This process is
initiated by the observation of their mothers and is continued by the education
that young girls receive from them.[62]
From a very young age, children observe their mothers' roles, behaviors and
responsibilities. While there are only slight differences in the manner in
which children of younger ages are treated by their parents and other family
members, Palestinian girls begin to experience gender-specific socialization
during their pre-teenaged years. Salama, 13, of Khan Younis, for example,
started to notice changes in the way her parents treated her shortly after her
12th birthday. She vividly recalls playing in the park in front of
the house with the boys of the neighborhood, a privilege that has since been
taken away from her. The teenage years are, in effect, particularly crucial in
the shaping of gender identity. It is during this time that she assumes many of
the roles and responsibilities that she will be expected to fulfill as a
housewife.
ii.
Occupation and women’s responsibilities
Intifada has significantly altered the
roles of Palestinian women, while also further complicating the fulfillment of
their traditional gender specific responsibilities. In 2003, 64% of household
in the OPT had at least one family member who had lost his/her job due to the
deteriorating political situation. At the same time, the average family income
dropped significantly, with the number of families making less than 1000 NIS a
month doubling from 20,5% to 43%. In
lights of the sharp rise in poverty caused by steep unemployment rates and
declining family incomes, the burden of finding alternative ways to provide for
families was often imposed on women. This was particular the case for many
women living in the Gaza Strip, who had previously largely relied on the
incomes of their husbands working Israel. When bans on Palestinians workers
were imposed by Israel and work permits were revoked, the wives of these former
laborers had no choice but to look for work outside the home, very often in
fields that were formerly considered off-limits for women.[63]
The women taking part in the programs offered by the Women’s Empowerment Centre
in Southern Rimal in Gaza are nearly all wives of men whose permits to work in
Israel were retracted during Intifada.
While at the centre, the women worked as artist, hairdresser, seamstresses and
computer technician. According to the director of the centre, many women taking
part in the program were permitted to do so mainly because of the hopelessness
of their family situation. Other women
in this situation have taken it upon themselves to apply for financial
assistance and other forms of relief aid when there is no other option. This
crucial task is usually reserved for women as men often feel too ashamed to
seek financial help.[64]
While working
outside the home is often perceived as emancipating for Western women, it
should be noted that this is not always the case for the women in the OPT. The
blatant discrimination and undervaluation of the skills and abilities that many
women develop by working within the private sphere severely reduce their
employment opportunities and pay in the public realm. Amnesty International
reports that “women have been forced to take up jobs such as cleaners or
laborer in unregulated sectors where they are more at risk of being exploited
or even abused”.[65]
Moreover, women’s involvement in the public sphere has done little to change
the expectations imposed on them within the private sphere. As such,
Palestinian women are often faced with double workdays. Meals, grocery
shopping, housekeeping and caring for the children generally remain her
implicit duty.[66]
Land and road
seizures are another security measures from which women have been particularly
effected. The sole road leading to
several houses in the rural village of Wadi Illgrous was blocked during the
second Intifada and is now reserved
strictly for military use. Tagreed’s
only access to her and her husband’s home is now a narrow path that runs along
side of the barb-wired fence that runs parallel to the new military road. This
has rendered even the most trivialize tasks extremely complicated and strenuous
for her. Getting flour, to make bread, for example, is a day long affair. She
explains the process,
I wake up very early
to go into town to buy flour. Upon my return from the market, I must leave my
60 kg bag of flour at a friend’s house, close to where the road becomes blocked
off. I must then make my way to my home to get a trolley or a donkey, which I
then bring back to where I left the flour. Finally, I must carefully load the
flour on the trolley or donkey so that it does not fall off as I walk on the
rocky path leading to back to my home. The entire process takes at least seven
hours. During the winter, it takes even longer as the road is muddy. Sometimes,
it is impossible for me to pass at all.
The consequences
of house demolition are also particularly prejudicial to Palestinian women
given their socialized roles. The Israeli Committee Against House Demolition
estimates that over 5000 Palestine homes were destroyed from 2000-2004, while
an additional 12 000 Palestinian homes have been demolished since 1967. Housing
demolitions are said to have a traumatic and devastating effect on Palestinian
families, given the tremendous importance and value of the home within this
society. In a culture in which hospitality and generosity are central values
and measures of self-worth, the home is said to be “a repository of culture,
meaning and identity”.[67]
The home is
particularly important for women. Since the core of the activities and tasks of
Palestinian women occur within the domestic sphere, the meaning and the purpose
of the home goes well beyond that of a mere shelter. For these women, the home
is a place of employment, nourishment, interaction, education and worship.
According to Sarah Gjerding, Danish anthropologist graduate student
specializing in the impact of housing demolition on women's lives, most of the
defining elements of a Palestinian woman's self-perception; how she sees
herself, and how she is seen by others, are tied to her home. While men and
children often have other social outlets and spaces to develop self-esteem and
diversion, the home is often the woman’s only place of belonging. Without it,
she is left deserted and lost.[68]
Manal Awwad,
from Rafah, lived in one of the over 300 houses that were demolished by
bulldozers in the third week on May of 2004.
Manal's grandmother is a refugee who had spent her life trying to convey
to her family the interconnection between the loss of one's home and the loss
of one's self. Manal says that she understood her grandmother's feelings when
her own home was demolished. She explained,
“I remember my
grandma constantly telling me when I was younger that she had ceased to dream
after 1948. No matter how much time passed, even after 30 years of living in
Rafah, after building a new home and raising her children, every night, when
she would fall asleep, she would dream only of the time in her life before she
was forced to leave her home. Everything after that moment was irrelevant and
meaningless to her. I didn’t comprehend my grandmother’s loss until our family
home was demolished. Everything I had ever known was gone; symbols of my youth,
my adolescence; myself. I feel that I am today’s generation of refugees. Like
my grandmother, I too have ceased to dream since my house was demolished.[69]
Moreover, the
expectations of women to fulfill their domestic responsibilities tied to the
home remain, even after their homes are demolished. Deprived of what is an
essential resource to nourishing, and caring for their children, women must
find new ways to care and provide for their families within these new and challenging
circumstances. In many cases, due to lack of housing possibilities and poverty,
the only options is to move in with extended family. Women in such situations
generally become responsible for the care of members of the extended family, in
unhealthy and overcrowded situations. [70]
|
iii.
Enhancing women's security through the responsibilities of women While women are particularly
effected by house demolition, it is through the solidarity and cooperation of
other women that they are able to bare and overcome their tragic fates. Fatma
is from Wadi Illgrous. She is the mother of six. In 1989, after waiting more
than two years to obtain permission to build an addition for their home, her
and her husband became discouraged and decided to start construction without
a permit. Their entire home was demolished shortly after. Though Fatma admits
to being overcome with helplessness at the time, she was also very inspired
and encouraged by the women of her family and neighborhood, who offered her
food, money and accommodation. While
Fatma's family looked for a new home to reside in, she and her five children
lived with neighbors who graciously welcomed them into their homes. The
same women who have extended a helping hand towards Fatma have also worked
together to overcome the hindrance caused by roadblocks in their area. Hala, one of Fatma's neighbors, explained
to me how the women of the area would work together fulfil their daily
chores. We try as much as
possible to be self-sufficient. We all have gardens and utilize every square
inch of land that we have. I often what we exchange what I produce with the
other women of my extended family in the area in order to limit our trips
into town. When we do have to go, we cooperate to make the journey easier. It
is through such cooperation that women have been able to fulfill the
responsibilities that have been traditionally expected of Palestinian women,
and also the additional obligations that have been imposed on them during
Intifada. |
5.
HONOR
i.
Context
Honor is crucial
in the perceived worth and importance of family or hamouleh[71]
in Palestinian society. The perceived honor of a family or hamouleh considerably effects the lives of its members and is said
to be a determining factor in the work opportunities, marriage prospects and
the social circles of the family members. Palestinian women generally evaluate
a family’s honor by their ownership of land and wealth, as well as their
adherence to religion and honor code which, though varying according to gender,
was generally defined by hospitality, integrity, honesty, generosity and
respect. In a recent study pertaining to
conceptualizations of honor in the Gaza Strip, it was found that 99% of
individuals polled perceived honor as being related to morality, while 98.2%
and 91,8% also defined it in terms of commitment to religion and patriotism.[72]
Though men are
also expected to uphold the honor of their families, the pressure imposed on
women is a central factor in the shaping of their behaviors. To many feminist
scholars, the widely accepted notion of women as repositories of family and
clan honor as an expression of patriarchy in the OPT. According to Kitty
Warnock, the concept of honor has served to support the internal patriarchal
structure of the family, and to "idealize men's control over women."[73]
To Warnock, "its most keenly felt daily requirement [is] that the male
members of a family should protect the female from all dangers, particularly
from sexual impurity."[74]
As a result of
this formulated relationship between a woman’s behavior and her family’s worth,
women's actions are often strictly limited and controlled by their fathers,
husbands, brothers or other men in their families. Women told me that they maintained
their family's honor by dressing conservatively, limiting their outings and
interaction with men, and by behaving modestly. Noel, 33, of Wadi Illgrous,
revealed the extent to which her family’s expectation for her to maintain honor
shaped her behavior. She told me that she limited herself to a maximum of three
outings per week and never left her home without the accompaniment of her
father or uncle.
Members of the
communities also contribute to the pressure of women to uphold honor by closely
monitoring women's behaviors and scrutinizing the families of women who do not
conform to their perceived ideal.[75]
The virtue of a woman is generally accepted as being the responsibility of the
entire community. "Not just family members but anyone in the village or
neighborhood has the right to report violations of propriety to the woman's
father or husband."[76]
In extreme cases, women in the OPT are killed or threaten with death by their
fathers or brothers after they have been said to have behaved in a dishonorable
way. Though honor crimes are becoming less pervasive and evermore condemned,
they continue to be considered, in more conservative parts of the OPT, as an
effective manner to maintain or reestablish a family’s honor after it has been
allegedly by a family member. According
to Yakin Ertuk, "these crimes are a manifestation of culturally inherited
valued that impose upon women socially expected behaviors derived from
prevailing patriarchal norms and standards”.[77]
ii.
Honor and Occupation
Occupation has
further intensified the pressure for women to uphold their family’s honor.
Honor had traditionally related to land and qualities associated to ownership
of land such as stability, long history and plentiful sons. The common proverb
of "Ma illu ard, fish 'indu 'ard"
meaning he who has no land, has no honor, has been devastating to the honor of
the Palestinian families who lost their land to Israel in 1948.[78]
Since many Palestinian families have been, and continue to be, impoverished and
disposed of their land, which continues to be confiscated, the behavior of
family members have often become the sole defining element of a family’s
perceived honor. This has created added pressures on women by family and
community members to uphold honor.
Moreover,
strictly adhering to their family's honor code was often viewed as an
expression of nationalism for Palestinian women during Intifada. Women who did not comply were often seen as betraying the
unified struggle towards statehood and against Israeli Occupation. Because of
this, speaking out against the traditional conceptualization of honor was
utterly unthinkable. “The deepening of the conflict in the OPT and the
expansion of the tolls of occupation has weakened the negotiation power of
Palestinian women to challenge the patriarchal gender contract which has, in
part, become a defense mechanism to keep the society intact.”[79]
To Zleikna, schoolteacher during both Intifadas,
observed the increase pressure of women to uphold honor. She attributes the
phenomenon to a desire to manifest nationalism and solidarity within
Palestinian families and communities towards a common threat. She recalls the
first Intifada, during which women
who did not dress appropriately were often harassment by members of the
community.
Others contend
that the second Intifada created an
environment in which pressures to uphold honor were more likely to be
manifested through threats, violence or killing. The UN Special Rapporteur on
Violence Against Women states that “the lack of national sovereignty and a
history of Occupation have undermined the ability of Palestine Authority to
legislate and implements measures to deal with such societal atrocities.”[80]
One human rights group suspects that nearly all of the 107 women killed as
suspects of treason or collaboration with Israeli soldiers during the first Intifada were, in actuality, honor
killings. [81] A
studied conducted by the Gaza Mental Health Program confirmed the occurrence of
22 honor killed within the first six month of 2005. [82]
While the pressure
to uphold honor has increased for women in the OPT, the task of doing so has
been rendered more difficult due to the excessive secure measures implemented
Israel. For example, inevitable contact and conversation with Israeli soldiers
at checkpoint can have devastating effects on a woman's perceived honor. Women
who were permitted to travel, in spite of the checkpoints, encounter grave
problems. As reported by the Haaretz, Israeli soldiers must often perform
manual searches at the gate west of Bartaa al Sharqiyya due to reoccurring
problems with the metal detector there. As most women refuse to be examined by
men, they have to wait for several hours, according to UNWRA field workers, for
women soldiers to be dispatched to come to check them. [83]
|
iii.
Enhancing
women's security through honor In response to
such obstacles, Palestinian women have demonstrated extreme strength,
diligence and determination. Rather than quietly accepting these new
pressures, they have sought to redefine honor in a gender-sensible manner.
Rina is one of the many Palestinian women who has helped reconstruct the
concept of honor of her society. Rina, from
Habla camp, near Qalqilia, is a warm, soft-spoken, gentle 29 year-old woman.
She is absolutely breathtaking but blushes out of sheer embarrassment and
slight discomfort when you tell her this. Like many Palestinian women, Rina
married at a young age, following an arrangement made by her parents. Like
most young women, she was absolutely overjoyed by the prospects of planning a
wedding and getting married. Her eyes
widened in excitement as she explicitly described to me her gown, and hair
and make-up. Unfortunately
for Rina, her excitement about her marriage quickly dissipated when she
discovered that the man she had married was abusive and disloyal to her.
Delicately, she revealed to me the nightmare that her marriage had become.
Within a year, she felt that the situation had grown increasingly unbearable
and she decided to get a divorce. Of course, she was well aware to the
stigmas and pressures Yet, Rina
greatly valued her family’s opinion and deeply wanted to maintain a strong
relationship with them. As such, she decided to carry on with the divorce and
do everything in her power to show to them that it was the right decision.
Shortly after the divorced, she enrolled at Beiritz University. I worked hard to
change the attitude of my family and it worked. My family has now accepted
and celebrated my decision. They are very proud of me and encourage me to
education, independence and strength. I am now a role model for her younger
sisters who all aspire to go to university. Rada, but five years younger, has
been inspired by her sisters strength. She has recently completely a
university degree in physical activity. |
III. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
i.
Context
Domestic
violence is an enduring and pervasive cause of insecurity in the lives of
women, particularly in patriarchal societies. Men with socially constructed
masculine traits are greatly respected and highly valued within such societies,
while those who display socially constructed female qualities are generally
perceived as weak or inadequate. In addition to further encouraging men to
manifest only male gendered behaviors, such conceptualizations of strengths and
weaknesses often cause individuals to develop attitudes which are more
forgiving, if not accepting, towards aggression and violence, particularly
within the domestic context. To Esponila, patriarchal aspects of Palestinian
society have clearly influenced common perceptions and ideas towards domestic
violence in the OPT. Regarding the tolerably of domestic violence in the OPT,
she say,
“These ideas are widely accepted and expressed
openly, even by some political leadership. These people do not hesitate to
express their attitudes in the newspapers. This cultural norm of accepting
violence by men, towards their wives, is also reflected in the idioms, songs,
stories and on other cultural levels.” [84]
Espanioly adds
that strong social pressures for women and man to conform to their respective
gender roles also causes and perpetuates domestic violence in the OPT. “Women
are raised to avoid violence and if they do experience a violence act, they are
taught to withdrawal”.[85]
Violence is thus rooted in the supremacy of men and the submission of women,
which in turn, further reinforces the patriarchal system. Rosenberg agrees that
rigid conceptualizations of gender roles, and the fierce pressure for men and
women to behave in accordance to them, have been influential factors in the
perpetuation of the acceptability of domestic violence in OPT. She supports
this contention by reporting that over 50% of men and women in the West Bank
think that it is acceptable for men to beat their wives. [86]
ii. Occupation and domestic violence
The frequency
and the severity of domestic violence cases occurring in the OPT have risen
dramatically during the second Intifada.
Various scholars have addressed the troubling phenomenon, and have attributed
the sharp rise to a multitude of factors ranging from increased militarization,
poverty and to the invasive and humiliating security measures employed by
Israel. Khader Rasras pchycologist from Ramallah, works to promote mental health in the OPT. He
was startled by the dramatic increase of domestic violence cases he encountered
during the Second Intifada. He feels that domestic violence is often a
manifestation of men’s shattered self-image of masculinity caused by poverty
and unemployment, and further aggravated by the humiliating treatment to which
they have been subjected, at checkpoints for example. In light of this
situation, which men are unable to control, Rasras has observed that men feel
incompetent and worthless. Very often, he explains, the loss of self-worth
causes men to question and doubt their manliness. As they feel inadequate in
terms of provide for and protecting their family, they look for other means to
prove and assert their masculinity. This is often done by exerting control his
wife and family, which is all too often done through verbal or physical
abuse. [87]
Hala El Sarraj psychologist at the Women’s Empowerment Centre
of the Gaza Community Mental Heath Program also attributes the rise in domestic
to men’s tarnished self-image and perception of self-worth. During the Second Intifada, she also counseled countless
women who were victims of domestic violence. According to Hala, most of the
women who came into the centre initially tried to justify and rationalize the
abusive behavior of their husbands. She explains,
“A large majority of
the women say that their husband’s behavior was out of the ordinary. Most of
them had never experienced domestic violence before Intifada. They reiterate to
me that it is the violence, poverty and oppression of the past five years that
has caused their husband to change suddenly.” [88]
The increased
militarization which occurred during Intifada
is also said to have been a contributing factor in the surge in domestic
violence in the OPT. Fayrouz, 18, of Balata camp, says that she watched for
younger brothers grow evermore violent during Intifada. She noticed, in particular, major changes in the way they
played and spoke to each other and others. She remembers one incidence in which
one of her brothers was mimicking the behaviors of an Israeli soldier while
playing with a friend. “I suppose it was because that violence had become so
normal for them”, she explained. To
Fayrouz, what is perceived as normal behavior in the public sphere, especially
the manner in which he or she conducts him or her self and approaches problem
solving, inevitably influences conducts within the home. Public behaviors, when
tolerated, can reinforce and, in turn, acts as a template under which patterns
of interaction in different settings are created. [89]
The
interconnection between behaviors within the public and private sphere which
Fayrouz has witnessed has been particularly threatening to women and their
security. The normalization of violence within the context of relationships
where pronounced imbalances of power exist, such as between soldiers and
civilians, has been found to have had a devastating effect on the rapport
between women and men in the OPT. As highlighted by the UNs Rapport on violence
against women, “the use of force and stringent security measures by Israel,
combined with forms of resistance these provoked have contributed to the
creation of an atmosphere of legitimized violence as a means of conflict
resolution.”[90]
Sisters
united by shared experiences
Palestinian
women are not the only fraction of society whose security was directly and
indirectly affected by Israel's excessive use of force during the second Intifada. To Simona Shoroni, pre-emptive
and defensive military actions taken by Israel in the OPT has also exacerbated
the oppression of marginalized groups within Israel. According to her, such
measures have contributed to the normalization of violence in the occupying
state and the legitimization of aggression and force as a means to resolve
conflict and assert one’s dominance over a perceived weaker or lesser being.
She warns Israeli women that they should feel directly threatened the violence
of the State and by individual towards Palestinians. The acceptability of disrespectful,
aggressive and abusive behaviors and attitudes towards a member of a given
marginalized group will likely produce to similar patterns of behavior towards
another. Such oppressive behaviors serve
as a template upon which other uneven power relationships will be modeled. In
the context where everyman is a soldier, every woman becomes an occupied
territory.[91]
Moreover, the
central role which has been given to the army in Israel has reinforced and
deepened traditional conceptualizations of the gender, and the imbalance power
and insecurities which they create. While the male-gendered concept of honor
has played a influential role in the shaping of women's behaviors in the OPT,
the omnipresence of the military, and the hierarchy this has created and
reinforced in Israel, has had a powerful impact of the perceived roles and
responsibilities of Israeli women. To
Galia Golan, “the socializing intuition of military is the quintessence of a
patriarchal institution, reinforcing and perpetuation the stereotypical role of
women as subordinate, subservient and superfluous.”[92]
By establishing military force as a national security, Israel has created a
society that values, glorifies and honors men as fierce and merciless
combatants. While the pressure for women to conform to their socially
constructed roles of maternal care-givers, who needed to be protected, had
been, in the past, a de facto
socialization that women experienced by adopting the roles of wives, sisters
and mothers of the men serving in the army, the socialized subordination of
women and the dominance of men became institutionalized by the imposition of
mandatory military service for women in Israel. Because the vast majority of
women conscripts are assigned to what are often perceived as insignificant and
trivial administrative duties serving the interest of men, while women within
the professional army are often said to be constrained by a glass ceilings at
some point or another during their careers, the military service of women has
become a source of reinforcement of traditional gender role in Israel.
At the same
time, Israel’s prioritization of a gender-biased conceptualization of national
security has also caused other issues of national importance, particularly
those pertaining to the security of women, such as health and education, to be
severely neglected. What Israeli feminist activists describe as their State’s
military fixation has been the very source of women's insecurities in Israel.
The Women in Black, an organization initiated by Israeli women advocating to
end Occupation, maintain that issues relating to women’s security, have been
utterly ignored due to the failure to include the experience of women within
the allegedly universal construct of national security of Israel. In a flyer distributed by their members
during their weekly vigil, they stated,
Shhhhhhhh, security!
They tell us not to speak of unemployment, because the security situation is so
bad.
They tell us not to talk about the municipal workers who haven't received their
salaries, or sexual violence, or hungry children, not right now, because we're
at war and there's no one to talk to.
And not about the corruption of politicians, because we'll soon be leaving
Gaza.
And not about selling the country to the World Bank at end-of- season prices,
because who knows anything about that bank and anyway we're in the midst of
war.
And not about foreign workers, racism, clean air and water, selling women into
bondage, road accidents, or breast cancer.
WE ARE FURIOUS ABOUT THE OCCUPATION and about
The capitalists who create this war,
The generals who continue to sleep well at night,
And the governments of occupation that bring us more and more destruction, killing,
and hate,
38 YEARS OF OCCUPATION AND OPPRESSION ARE 38 YEARS TOO MANY!
Such groups have
recognized the importance of expressing their solidarity towards the people of
the OPT, particularly women. To these women, the devastating effects of
patriarchy and militarization have no linguistic, religious or national
boundaries. Consequently, they have also sought to form ties with Palestinian
women’s groups in order to incorporate their experiences within the
conceptualization to national security in a struggle to overcoming their own
subordination, as a means of enhancing their personal and collective human
securities.
IV.
CONCLUSION
Disempowered,
weak and uneducated; this is how the Palestinian women is often perceived by
the Western world. Misinformation, lack of understanding and appreciation of
cultural differences, sheer ignorance and ethnocentric fixations on
characteristics that the Western world has are erroneously associated with
women’s emancipation and oppression, have shaped this one-dimensional,
derogatory and extremely distorted perception of the Palestinian women.
Considering
myself a strong-willed, valiantly groundbreaking young feminist, I naively
embarked upon my journey to Palestine with the intentions of expressing my
solidarity towards a group of women who I expected to find to have been
rendered weak and desolate due to their tragic fates. Living both under Israeli
Occupation and strong patriarchal traditions, these women, I thought to myself,
desperately needed to be reached out to.
As I reflect
upon my experience in Palestine, I think back of all the exceptional women who
I had the great privilege to meet and forge friendships with. Time after time,
I was inspired and humbled by the will, the strength, the resourcefulness, and
the resilience of these truly amazing women. While it is indeed true that
Palestinian women are subjugated to patriarchal norms that limit, control and
dictate their behavior, they have also rejected many of the oppressive
pressures to which the western women have overwhelmingly complied and strictly
obeyed. Palestinian women enabled me become more aware of the patriarchal
elements imbedded in my own culture, the extent to which I had submitted to
them and the vigor of the pressure to do so.
Yet, their situation
should not be glorified. The additional responsibilities undertaken by
Palestinian women during the last Intifada
did not necessarily enabled them to be conferred additional rights. The great
triumphs they have attained have not produced great recognition and the endless
revelations of their strengths and capacities have not always lead to increased
liberty. Palestinian women helped me
realize the magnitude and the complexity of the task that lay before them.
Indeed, the Emancipation and security of Palestinian women are interconnected
with the Palestinian struggle for statehood. On one hand, it is only through
Palestinian statehood that women can achieve the legal, democratic, social and
economical equality, which are essential elements of their security. The
absence of central power, rule of law and law enforcement authority under the
current system has undoubtedly been one of the greatest threats and obstacles
to the women’s emancipation and security, and all other more vulnerable groups,
in the OPT. When no established legal structures and norms exist, those who
withhold the power are often called upon to fill the authoritative vacuum which
resides. They are also given considerable freedom in the development and the
implementation of social customs, which support and perpetuate the very
patriarchal power hierarchy which grants them their power and serves their
interests.[93] This
propagates the subjugation of women, and further jeopardizes their security
through the neglect of women's health and education, and through the
reinforcement of destructive conceptualization gender-roles and honor. On the
other hand, a true democracy, with non-gender biased laws, governmental
structures and institutions, which are also indispensable elements to the
security of women, can only be obtained through the full and active
collaboration of women. Lack of women involvement within the existing
Palestinian political and authoritative bodies has caused these structures to
develop inherently male-gendered definitions of national security. Failure to
recognize the graveness of these problems and to take active measures to
correct them, immediately and in the future, will inevitably aggravate the
situation by further reinforcing the inherently male-gendered characteristics of
governmental laws, practices and institutions. Issues pertaining to women's
health and education will remain unaddressed, while pressure for women to
comply with perceived gender roles and ideals of honor will continue to hinder
their security. Palestinian women are aware of this challenge. They are also
well disposed to confronting it. They have proven their strength in the past
and continue to do so, every day.
Feminism has
been described by Western scholars as an emancipating ideology that considers
patriarchy, the established, male-dominated power structure, as the underlying
force that dictates behaviors and practices to reflect and perpetuate this
power system. Striving to achieve social, economical and political equality and
security for women, the feminist ideology seeks to rise above these socially
constructed power structures through gender-inclusive discourse and analytical
framework and, most importantly, with the solidarity of women’s actions. The manner is which Palestinian women have
responded to their hardships and lack of security is the manifestation of true
sisterhood and resilience. They have not, as it is often said, passively bore
the insecurities caused by their two-fold burden of Occupation and patriarchy.
Rather, they have sought to overcome them by identifying the causes of
insecurities in their lives and have taken active measures to counterbalance
this male-gendered concept. Through their audacious actions and powerful
solidarity, they have endeavored to include the experience of women in the
male-gender conceptualization of security thus working to achieve a truer, more
accurate and universal perception of this concept. This is feminism, in its purest form.
[1] Tickner,
Ann. Gender in International Relations:
Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. New York: Colombia University Press, 1992. p.
20
[2] Peterson, Spike. “Security
and Sovereign States; What Is at Stake in Taking Feminism Seriously” Gendered
States; feminist (re)vision of international relations theory, Spike
Peterson (ed) Bouler, Colorado : Lynne Rienner, 1992. p. 31
[3] Waring, Marylyn.
If women counted; a new feminist
economics. New York: Harper Collins, 1990.
[4] Peterson. Ibid.,
pg. 102
[5] MIFTAH,
Statistics and numbers documented, September
28th, 2000 - July 20, 2005 <http://www.miftah.org/report.cfm> (August 1,
2005)
[6] Bt’selem, Fatalities statistics; the Second Intifada <http://www.btselem.org/english/statistics/Index.asp> (August 1, 2005)
[7] Bennett, Judith M., “Theoretical Issues; Confronting Continuity” Journal of Women's History, Vol. 8, Iss. 3 (Fall 1996) pg 73
[8] Rubenberg, Cheryl A. Palestinian
women : patriarchy and resistance in the West Bank. Boulder,
Colorado : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. pg 13
[9]
Abdullahi A, An-Na'im. “The Contingent Universality Of Human Rights: the case
of freedom of expression in African and Islamic Contexts” Emory Int'l L. Rev (Fall 2004) pg 29
[10]
Blackburn, Simon. “Cultural Relativism” Butterflies and Wheels <http://www.butterfliesandwheels.com/infocusprint.php?num=15&subject=cultural+relativism>
(August 1, 2005)
[11]
Pooya, Fariborz: "The Politics Behind Cultural Relativism" in An Interview with Fariboroz Pooya and Bahram
Soroush. The Iranian Secular Society:
<http://www.iransecularsociety.com> (August 1, 2005)
[12]Del Collins , Marla. “To veil or not to veil, that was the
question: A feminist's journey through the land of Jordan” Women and Language. Vol.26, Iss. 1 (1997) pg 61
[13] Phyllis Schlafly. "Feminism Mugged by Reality" The Eagle Forum. Nov (2003)
[14] The Inter-ministerial Coordination Committee of UNIFEM identified lack of women involvement within elaboration of health policies as one of the major problems in women’s health care in the OPT. “Strategies for Post-Beijing Palestinian Governmental Plan of Action” Women Watch 2000 http://www.un.org/womenwatch/confer/beijing/national/palesnap.htm (August 1 2005)
[15] Mastroianni, Ruth Fader A.,and Daniel D.
Federman. Women and health research:
Ethical and legal issues of including women in clinical studies Washington,
D.C. National Academy Press, 1994.
[16] The limitations of the concept of women’s health to reproductive health was also identified by UNIFEM as a major problems to women heath in Palestine.
[17] Mickey, Z. “Depraved Indifference. Caesareans, Patriarchy, and Women's Health” Counterpunch < http://www.counterpunch.org/mickey03152004.html> (August 1 2005)
[18] Aoyama, Atsuko. Women’s Reproduction Health;
Middle East and Northern Africa. WIN News. Lexington.
Vol.29, Iss. 2 (Spring 2003) pg 60
[19] Rosenburg, Ibid., pg 165
[20] N. Toubia,
N, A Bahyeldin, and H Abdel-Latif, Arab
Women; A Profile Diversity and Change. Cairo; Population Council, 1994.
[21] Seits, Charmaine. “Bureij Women Health Centre; a local approach for local problem” Palestinian Report. Vol 5, No 19 (1998)
[22] Rubenburg. Ibid., pg 170
[23] Gordon, Neve. "Palestinian Health Care : Neglect and Crisis " Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture. Vol 4, no 4 (1997) pg 98
[24] United Nations. Women Watch 2000, pg 67
[25] "Road Blocks for Health Care for
Palestinians" NRP Press Release. September 6 (2002)
[26] In
the first two month of Intifada, two medical workers were killed by Israeli
gunfire while performing their duties according to "Health Care Under
Siege II: The Health Situation of the Palestinians during the First Two Months
of the Intifada" Health,
Development, Information, and Policy Institute (HDIP) Press release;
December 2000.
[27] Palestinian Red Crescent Society <http://www.palestinercs.org> (August 1 2005)
[28] Amnesty International <http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engmde150162005> (August 5 2005)
[29] Personal Interview.
[30] Personal Interview.
[31] "Ministry of Health News Update" State of Palestine <http://www.moh.gov.ps>
(August 5 2005)
[32] Alazzch, Ghada. Personal Interview.
[33] Martin, Susan. Women refugee. Lanham, Md. : Lexington Books, 2004. pg 71
[34] Ibid, pg 71
[35] Madi Husni, Haifa. "Anaemia Among Palestine Refugee Pregnant Women" http://apha.confex.com/apha/129am/techprogram/paper_23219.htm (August 5 2005)
[36] El-Jabari, C. The Prevalence of Breast Disease among
Palestinian Women, 1994-1996. Jerusalem: Patient’s Friends, 1997. pg 49
[37] Eldar, Akiva. "The illness: breast
cancer; Cause of death: the occupation"
<http://www.jerusalemites.org/articles/press/press1/82.htm> (August 5, 2005)
[38]Ibid.
[39] For information regarding the treatment of women prisoners and detainees in the OPT, see http://www.forumpalestina.org/Doc%20english/Agosto%202002/19%20August%202002%20Palestinian%20female%20detainees%20in%20Israeli.htm
[40] "Palestinian
Facts Sheet" Palestinian Monitor.
<http://www.palestinemonitor.org/factsheet/Palestinian_intifada_fact_sheet.htm>
[41] Khader Rasras. Personal interview,
[42] Seits, Charmaine. Ibid.
[43] Thabet, Firyal. Personal interview.
[44] Personal interview.
[45] Personal interview.
[46] "Ban on
Family Unification" Special Report
by the League of Arab Minority Rights in Israel
<://www.adalah.org/eng/famunif.php>
[47] Kadman, Noga. "Families Torn Apart, Separation of Palestinian Families in the Occupied Territories" Bt'selem: Jerusalem, 1999. pg 83
[48] "Separation Barrier Statistics" Bt'selem <http://www.btselem.org/english/Separation_Barrier/Statistics.asp>
[49] "Impact of the Separation Barrier"Palestinian Centre for Statistics http://www.pcbs.org (August 5, 2005)
[50] Personal interview.
[51] Given her situation, Rada
has asked me not to use her real name or to reveal any specific details
pertaining to her situation, such as her hometown.
[52] Kuttab, Eillen. Personal
interview.
[53] As noted by Kitty Warnock, these numbers are somewhat deceptive as many young Palestinian men are sent abroad to studying while few families are willing to invest this much money for their daughter's education or to allow them to leave the OPT on their own.
[54] Kuttab. Ibid.
[55] Warnock, Kitty. Land Before Honour. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990. pg 81
[56] Personal interview.
[57] Equivalent to North American High School Diploma
[58] UNIFEM. "The Impact of the Conflict in the OPT on Women" <http://www.womenwarpeace.org/opt/opt.htm > (August 5 2005)
[59] Personal interview.
[60] Rubenburg. pg 6
[61] "Settler Violence against Palestinian School
Children in Hebron" Alternative
Information Centre; Press Release. April 05 2004
[62] Rubenberg, p. 193
[63] Jabr, Hasan. "Worker in Gaza Shout Out" Palestinian Report (Volume 10 Number 11)
[64] Personal interview. June 12 2005
[65] "Israel and the Occupied Territories
Conflict, occupation and patriarchy" Amnesty
International (March 5 2005) pg 22
[66] Alazzch, Gihada. Personal Interview, June 12 2005
[67] Ibrahiem Qouta, Samir Ramadan. "Trauma, Violence and Mental Health; the Palestinian experience" Gaza: Vrije Universiteit, Al Jarrah Printing Press, 2000. pg 145
[68] Sarah Gjerding, Personal interview. June 15 2005
[69] Awwad, Manal. Personal interview. July 4 2005
[70] "Women
and Housing Rights" Centre on
Housing Rights and Eviction. Section 5. Geneva, Switerland <http://www.cohre.org/hrframe.htm > (August 5 2005)
[71] Often translated into clam or tribe though no exact equivalent is said to exist in English
[72] "Attitudes and perceptions towards Honour Killing" Women’s Empowerment Project. Gaza: Gaza Community Mental Health Program. 2005. Unpublished
[73] Warnock. pg 22
[74] Ibid., pg 23
[75] Nadia Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Nadia. "Case Study ; mapping the Landscape of feminicde in the West Bank and Gaza" Strategies from the UNIFEM Trust Fund to Eliminate Violence Against Women. 2004.
[76] Warnock. pg. 25
[77] Erturk, Yakin. "Integration of the Human Rights of women and
the gender perspective; violence against women" Special Reporter on violence against women; its causes and consequences.
United Nations Economic and Social Counsel. February 2 2005.
[78] Warnock. Ibid. pg 22
[79] Ibid., pg 14
[80] Ibid., pg 16
[81] Scheherezade, Faramarzi. "Sins Cost Druze
Women Their Lives" Rockey Montain
News. Dec 24, 1995. pg 25
[82] "Attitudes and perceptions towards Honour Killing" Women’s Empowerment Project. Ibid.
[83] Hass, Amira. "A barrier
that casts a long shaddow" Haaretz.
July 12 2005
[84] Espanioly, Nabila. "Violence Again Women, A Palestine women perceptive; personal is political" Women Studies International Forum. Vol 20 (1997) pg 387
[85] Espanioly,
Nabila, "Palestinian women in
Israel; Identity in the light of occupation" in Tamer Mayer Women and the Israeli occupation. New
York: Routledge, (1994) pg 106-123
[86] Ibid,. pg 141
[87] Rasras, Khader. Personal interview. May 27 2005
[88] El Sarraj, Hala. Personal interview. July 6 2005
[89] Personal interview. July 21, 2005
[90] Erturk. Ibid., pg 7
[91]Simona Sharoni "Home
front as Battlefield; Gender, military occupation and violence again women” Women and Israeli Occupation; the politics
of change. Tamar Mayer. Ibid.
[92] Golan, Galia. "Militarization and Gender; The Israeli Experience" Women's Studies International Forum, Vol 20 (1997) pg 581
[93] Khashan, Ibrahim. Women’s Right in The Clannish Custom of the
Gaza Strip. Gaza; Palestinian Centre Against Violence, 1999. pg 582