The Palestinian

Mystique

by Anne Levesque

September 2005

Abstract	4
I. INTRODUCTION	5
i. Historical Background	7
ii. Gender-Sensitive Approach	8
iii. Cultural Relativism	10
iv. Literature Review	12
II. WOMEN’S VOICES	14
1. HEALTH CARE AND SERVICE	15
i. Context	15
ii. Occupation and Women’s Health	17
iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Health: Case Study	22
2. KINSHIP	23
i. Context	23
ii. Occupation and kinship	24
iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Kinship: Case Study	27
3. EDUCATION	29
i. Context	29
ii. Education and Occupation	30
iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Education: Case Study	32
4. ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITES	34
i. Context	34
ii. Occupation and Women’s Responsibilities	35
iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Roles & Responsibilities: Case Study	38
5. HONOR	39
i. Context	39
ii. Honor and Occupation	41
iii. Enhancing Women's Security Through Honor: Case Study	43
III. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE	44
i. Context	44
ii. Occupation and Domestic Violence	45
iii. Increased Militarization; a Problem with No Borders
IV. CONCLUSION	50
V. REFERENCES	53

This paper is dedicated to all the exceptionally remarkable women who I’ve had the great privilege to meet and forge friendships with in the past few months. I will be eternally grateful for how you have boundlessly opened your hearts and your homes to me and for your unfathomable willingness to generously share with me your innermost hopes, dreams, fears, strengths, and insecurities. I will cherish my memories of our fascinating discussions, along with those of your mouth watering Wara Dawali, your refined dance moves and your breathtaking wedding pictures, forever. Thank you for patiently helping me overcome the ethnocentric stereotypes that I naively held about your culture, while never once judging me according to what is commonly believed about my own. Your resilient spirits and warm hearts have touched me in a way that is simply impossible for me to fully convey to you. I truly hope that this paper has done justice to the strength, the kindheartedness and the inner beauty that is so striking in each and every one of you.

In-shalah!

With much love and admiration,

Anne

Abstract

Assessments of the impact of armed conflict are, by in large, inherently male-gendered in that they often rely solely on quantifying values which relate exclusively to the male-dominated public sphere while failing to include elements pertaining to the private sphere, where most of women's activities generally occur.

In order to help create a more accurate, and non gender-biased picture of the impact of the second Intifada, this paper aims to emphasize the experience of women in the OPT during this armed conflict. Firstly, it examines how women's health care access, education opportunities and kinship were deleteriously effected during the second Intifada. This paper then discusses the impact of increased militarization on the concept of honor and women's roles in the OPT, and in regards to the normalization of violence on both sides of the Green Line. Through various case studies, this paper also highlights how Palestinian women have worked together in solidarity to overcome the hardships they have faced and how they have endeavored to forge their own, gender-inclusive conceptualization of human security.

I. INTRODUCTION

International relations and politics have always been, and continue to be, male dominated disciplines. The continuous absence of women involvement, through the roles of diplomats, soldiers and civil servants, has produced grave, albeit very foreseeable, conceptual and practical problems within these fields. Unfortunately, these problems are self-perpetuating rather than self-correcting. The marked gender imbalance which exists within such decision-making circles has created an environment which encourages and stimulates those who develop political and military policies to manifest only male-gendered behaviors, and to establish priorities, policies, methods and strategies according to their own, personal experiences and values, which are unrepresentative of the population as a whole. The inevitable products of this gender misrepresentation are gender-biased views and practice of international relation and national security. However, because these gendered customs are so pervasive, they have become normalized and, as a result, are often perceived as inherent traits of the disciplines. These profound gender-biases are further exacerbated by the fact that academic bodies pertaining to these fields are also largely male-dominated. When these male-gendered concepts, strategies, and notions of IR are studied and analyzed by predominantly male academics, who readily endorse them and vouch for their accuracy, they become further legitimized and are eventually passed-off as universal knowledge. The alleged "universal" body knowledge produced through this process is, in actuality, men’s knowledge, as it does not include the experience of women, neither in its conceptualization nor in its application. [1]

The consequences of producing male-gendered knowledge, and passing it off as universal truths, are not entirely theoretical. The potential graveness of falsely universalizing knowledge becomes more tangible when one considers the manner in which the male-gendered conceptualization of nation security has effected the lives of women. The commonly accepted conceptualization of nation security, albeit blatantly male-gendered, is one which emphasizes political, military and economical stability. Military force is perceived, particularly according to realist theorists, as the most effective means of achieving this alleged security. The conceptualization does not take into account the experience of women in determining what shapes security or insecurity, nor does it consider the grave consequences of increased militarization on the lives of women and other marginalized groups. As a result, measures that are allegedly established to contribute to "national security" are quite often, ironically, the very cause of insecurities for women.[2]

The approaches used to studying the consequences of war and armed conflicts are also male-gendered. As is the case in other male-dominated disciplined which have produced male-gendered knowledge, studies pertaining to consequences of war

“are quantified by men for men and that since those who are making the decisions are men,...those values which are excluded from this determination are those of our environment, and of women and children."[3]

As a result, the very values which are used to quantify the consequences of armed conflict - political, economical and military losses and gains – are in themselves gendered in that they pertain solely to the public realm, from which women are, by and large, excluded in many societies. On the other hand, elements pertaining to the private realm, where most of women’s activities generally occur, are not taken into account. While it is often said that this is merely due to the fact that such elements cannot be quantified, the failure to conceive analytical tools to properly access the experience of women has caused the alleged general assessments of « the cost » of armed conflict to focus solely on the experience of men. Meanwhile, the sufferance of women to be easily disregarded, if not completely ignored.

Given that the core of women’s activities in many societies often do not occur within the more observable boundaries of the male-dominated public sphere, a different approach must be used to understand the experience of women. Such an approach should seek to emphasis the voices and the experiences of women.[4] If the experiences of women cannot be successfully incorporated in a system which purports to measure the consequence of armed conflict, then it is the system which is invalid. Including the experience and voice of women in the assessments of the consequences of armed conflicts is the only way a fair, complete and truly accurate picture can be drawn.

i. Historical Background

The Sharm el-Sheikh Summit of February 8 2005, is generally considered to have marked the much-anticipated end of a particularly dark moment in Israeli-Palestinians history; the Al-Alkasa Intifada. The second Intifada caused untold sufferance and misery for both Palestinians and Israelis. On one hand, Palestinians have been subjected to excessive military force by Israel through air-strikes and tank shelling, while military curfews and checkpoints which have imprisoned them into their homes and communities. They have seen the destruction of their homes, land and infrastructures and the re-occupation of areas which had previously been handed over to the independent Palestinian Authority during Olso. On the other hand, Israeli citizens living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and in Israel have been victims of violent attacks by organized groups of armed Palestinians which have indiscriminately targeted, injured and killed innocent men, women and children. Because of this, they have lived in constant and inescapable fear and anxiety while engaging in the utmost routine activities of their daily lives.

Women and girls, on both sides of the Green Line, have been effected differently than men and boys by the Al-Alkasa Intifada. As is the case in most armed conflicts, men and boys have accounted for a substantially larger part of the causalities, both in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. According to MIFTAH, 4084 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli military forces or settlers since September 29, 2000. It is said that of 2943 of those who died, were men, while 270 were women and 880 were children.[5] On the Israeli side, B'Tselem estimates that, in addition to the 301 Israeli security forces who lost their lives, 431 and 218 Israeli civilians, including 112 children and 247 women, were killed in Israel and the Occupied Territories, respectively.[6] These figures, however powerful they may be, do not suffice to reveal the extent of the sufferance of Palestinians and Israelis nor do they truly demonstrate how Intifada has affected their lives, especially those of women. This is particularly true for the women in the OPT. Given the strong correlations between gender and spheres of activity, as well as the rigid conceptualizations of gender in Palestinian tradition, the experience of women in the OPT generally differs significantly to that of men. Because of this, it is evermore important to look beyond the commonly examined public sphere, and to innovatively explore alternative sources of information pertaining to the private realm, to faithfully depict the experience Palestinian women during the second Intifada.

ii. Gender-sensitive approach

In order to adopt a gender-sensitive viewpoint of the impact of the second Intifada on the lives of the Palestinian woman, the context in which she lives must inevitably be considered. In the case of Palestinian society, the patriarchal system plays an influential role in shaping of woman’s experience.

Patriarchy can be described as a type of power relationship which originates in the domestic sphere. Within this system, the behaviors and practices of all individuals serve the interests, needs and concerns of those who rank higher in the conceptual power scheme, which is generally determined according to gender and age. With time, this power structure, as well as the subordination and the dominance it creates, becomes so entrenched in the shaping of relationships and identities that it is normalized, then reproduced and institutionalized in other aspects of the public sphere. Social, political, legal, religious, economical and educational systems foster, legitimize, and reinforce the established power hierarchy while tending to the interests of those who benefit from it. [7]

Often used as an analytical lens through which to interpreter power configurations in many societies, patriarchy, and the power structure which it creates, is particularly appropriate to understanding of women in the OPT. According to Cheryl Rubenberg, the overpowering supremacy of patriarchal system, particularly within refugee camps and rural communities, has been deleterious to Palestinian women, in all aspects of their lives. She explains,

It is a system for monopolizing resources, maintaining of kinship status, reproducing patriline, controlling women’s sexuality and bodies, legitimizing violence, regulation education to reproduce the roles and relations socialized in the family, focusing health care exclusively to maternity and procreation, and limiting women’s access to the labor market as well as defining the types of work in which women may engage.[8]

In light of the significant role it has played in influencing behaviors and the nature of relationships in the OPT, patriarchy is considered by many scholars as an element which must unavoidably be taking into account in studies pertaining to women’s experience in this society. Doing so, however, often incites much criticism.

iii. Cultural relativism

To many minds, behaviors and practices relating to gender are culturally constructed and deeply embedded in way to life. Advocates of cultural relativism and other likeminded deconstructivist theorists contend that conceptualizations of gender are the product of traditions, history and religious beliefs. In their opinion, condemning gender inequalities, particularly when done by adherents of a different culture with its own, distinctive, although comparatively strong and pervasive forms of patriarchy, has been dubbed as academic colonialism, self-righteousness, bigotry or ethnocentricity.[9]

While conceding that academics and intellects of the Western world are indeed culpable of demonstrating arrogant and prejudicial attitudes towards other cultures, many contend that such historical tendencies should not be used to silence the denunciation of unjust, discriminatory or oppressive practices when they do occur. Countering arguments made by cultural relativists, Simon Blackburn argues that many grave injustices have also, in the past, been embedded in culture. Unspeakable wrongs have been done in its name. This does not make them acceptable.[10] According to him, branding blatant discriminatory behavior, however convenient it may be, as culture, should not serve as shield on which analysis, scrutiny and criticism can be deflected. Moreover, to dismiss practices, such as gender apartheid and the objectification of women, as mere cultural traditions is to fail to recognize the underlying purpose which these alleged cultural behaviors so blatantly serve in the maintenance and perpetuation of the established power structure and those who benefit from it. Farborz Pooya explains,

Cultures and religions are not harmless concepts. They are institutions; a part of the organization of society. Usually, people who advocate those views, reduce it to an individual level and individual choice. But in reality, culture is part of the institution of the ruling class. Religion is an establishment that practices and advocates a certain way of life. [11]

In sum, cultures are not static entities. They can, and should evolve to suit to the economical, political and social needs of the individuals they serve. Elaborating on this view, Marda Del Collins specifies that the manner in which notion of dignity, respect and equality are conceptualized may vary from culture, nation, religion, class, and individual. What is crucial is that the woman’s voice be heard before a judgment regarding the given practice is made.

“Unless feminists examine the [alleged form of oppression] and the women behind it, from a multifaceted/holistic perspective, rather than judging this practice as either "right" or "wrong," "good," or "bad," we not only mimic the dualistic thinking that creates gender apartheid, we alienate the very women we hope to liberate from its restrictions.” [12]

Above all, the existence of patriarchy in one society should not be used to justify or silence the criticism of gender inequality in another. Of course, the contrary is often argued. Many have suggested that one should not criticize patriarchal aspects of another society if other forms of oppression exist in ones own country. Doing so has often been deemed as hypocritical and has been compared to “throwing rocks while living in a glass house”. Ironically enough, it is often these same people who have also labeled Western feminists as being part of an elitism movement all about “getting political and corporate power for educated white women”[13] when they advocate against gender-inequalities pertaining specifically to their own country or field of work, such a pay equity and compensation. This thus leaves feminists in a perplexing predicament. On one hand, they are condemned as elitists and self-interested when they advocate for changes from which they would personally benefit. On the other hand, they are labeled as colonialists when they attempt to show solidarity towards other women by working within causes which do not affect them directly. Essentially, the only acceptable behavior for women in light of this besieging criticism would be to submissively accept their oppression.

Most troubling of all, such arguments fail to recognize the interconnection between the different forms of patriarchy, which exist around the world. Patriarchy, in all its forms, is a threat to all women. It has no borders, no race, nor religion. As such, it is in the best interest of all women to actively condemn all forms of patriarchy, however they may be manifested. Cultural, national, economic and religious divisions are all but superficial barriers constructed by those who withhold power to prevent solidarity within universal, albeit multi-facetted, struggle toward gender equality. A common, unified, front is necessary within sisterhood.

iv. Literature Review

Several studies, conducted by various international organizations and scholars, have highlighted the effects of Occupation, and more particularly the Al-Alaksa Intifada, on the security of Palestinian women. Most of these studies implicitly or explicitly consider patriarchy as a factor, if not a cause, of women’s lack of security in the OPT.

Drawing from interviews conducted shortly after the first Intifada with women from rural areas and refugee camps throughout the West Bank, Cheryl Rubenberg constructed a thorough, multi-facetted analysis the social perceptions of gender, gender-relations and hierarchy in the OPT. She considers patriarchy and the Israeli Occupation as defining elements of women’s identities, self-perception and lessened security in the OPT. Souad Dajani’s essay, “Palestinian Women under Israeli Occupation” addressed the experience of women living under Occupation and its correlation with economical development in the OPT. According to Dajani, the situation of Palestinian women is the product of Israel’s economical exploitation, by the means of colonial economical and political practices, of the OPT. In her opinion, these policies are the source of many problems, such as the lack of security, in women’s lives.

In a field study conducted by Eileen Kuttab, under the authority of the UNIFEM and with the collaboration of a team of local researchers from the Women's Studies Institute of Berzeit University, it was found that militarization has been particularly devastating for Palestinian women by producing insecurities such as poverty, and gender-specific human rights violation. By polling of over 400 households in the OPT, and conducting hundreds of personal interviews and a massive literary review project, the study examined how military measures undertook by the Israeli government, such as housing demolition, imprisonment, closures of provisions of social services, internal and external closures affected women’s lives. Through this analysis, she uncovered how women’s health, education, and general well being were ravaged by Occupation.

The 2004 December report published by the United Nations Economic and Social Council discussed the situation of Palestinian women and the efficacy of the assistance available to them. The study depicted the situation of women in the OPT in light of the socio-economic circumstances of the communities in which they lived. It identified the various barriers to health, employment and education created by Occupation and how these elements have been particularly prejudicial to women’s security.

Yakin Ertuk analyzed the link between militarization and violence against women in the OPT. According to her, the integrated system of aggression and force by the Israeli Defense Forces has legitimizes the use of violence against women in other contexts, such as within the home and in the community. She also argued that increased pressure and tensions due to Occupation has created an environment more conducive to the manifestation of violent behaviors. Women, due to their socialized roles of vulnerability, are often the most affected by this. Occupied was thus both the direct and indirect root of women’s insecurities in the OPT.

Amnesty International took a bold stance regarding the impact of patriarchy and Occupation on the lives of Palestinian women. In their recently published study regarding the condition of women living in the OPT, Amnesty International unapologetically concluded that the oppression of women in Palestine was two-fold; firstly, as citizens living in on occupied land and secondly, as women living in a patriarchal society. The study also examined how the indirect repercussion of Occupation, such as poverty, unemployment and military control, have been particularly damaging to women’s security as well as other vulnerable sectors of the Palestinian society.

II. WOMEN'S VOICES

These studies are amongst the countless others supporting the notion that women in the OPT have been rendered more vulnerable to the effects of Occupation and Intifada due to patriarchal elements in Palestinian society. Both have contributed, if not caused, considerable insecurities in the lives of women. In light of these studies, I have endeavored to discover how Palestinian women have coped, if not overcome, this alleged two-fold oppression. Rather than adopting the dominant historical discourse, which generally aims to make blanket assumptions regarding the general impact of events on a diverse, multi-facetted population, the social history approach has been deemed more suitable for the purpose of this research paper. This method emphasizes the manner in which individuals, in this case women, have experienced, reacted to and perceived historical events and situations. I have focused on key issues of a women’s being; education, health, kinship, honor and gender-roles, issues which Palestinian women have identified to me as defining elements their being and security. I will analyze each element individually and consider how they have been shaped by patriarchy and Occupation. Finally, I will reveal what Palestinian women have said to me in respects to these issues, particularly in regards to how they have responded to the overwhelming burdens which they have faced and the specific measures various women have individually and collectively taken to enhance women’s security in the OPT.

1. HEALTH CARE AND SERVICE

i. Context

Physical and mental health are vital elements in women’s security and well-being. The quality and the nature of the health care services provided to women are strong indicators of how and why they are valued in society. They reveal the underlying expectations and values regarding a women’s behavior. Women in many societies, including in the OPT, receive inadequate and inequitable health service and care compared to men. This is not, at least in the case of the OPT, due to the fact that the health care system and policies explicitly discriminate against women. Rather, the inferior quality of health services for women, particularly in the OPT, is generally said to be a consequence of elaborating health programs according to the needs and requirements of men, which can be linked to the lack of women involvement within decision-making processes pertaining to health care.[14] As a result, general health care services designed to cater to the population as a whole are, in reality, men’s health services in that they “perceive men's identity and experience as the characterization or standard of what it is to be a person and to portray female differences where they occur, as deviant."[15] Consequently, gender specific needs and vulnerabilities are more prone to be neglected, if not completely overlooked. In instances where specific health services are available for women, they are most often related to their reproductive function. Such measures commonly focus more on the health and development of the fetus instead, if not to the detriment, of the mother. [16] Without trivializing the potential benefits that such programs may produce, it should also be recognized that they clearly illustrate, and reinforce, the tendency to value women solely for their reproduction functions in society and to disregard other aspects of their lives that do not relate to this purpose.[17]

Moreover, much like other Middle Eastern and North African countries, the OPT continue to face major challenges in meeting reproductive and women's health care needs. This has been attributed to a wide range of factors such as widespread ignorance about reproductive health issues, financial constraints and significant gender inequality. [18] The quality of care offered to women in refugee camps and rural areas in the West Bank has been described as “substandard, inadequate, geographically inaccessible and maldistributed”.[19] The situation in the OPT, in general, is equally disconcerting

“Gender and social roles which privilege men make it difficult for women to receive a fair share of family resources, even if they financially contribute most towards them, within some households. In particular, women have little control over their own sexual and reproductive decisions” [20]

Moreover, patriarchal aspects of Palestinian society have created certain social stigmas relating to women’s health and education. Women’s health and sexual health are generally taboo topics.[21] Discussing such issues is perceived as shameful and dishonorable. As a result, women generally have little knowledge about their bodies and their reproductive systems. Very often, for example, women fail to seek treatment for genitourinary problems because they feel ashamed and fear that their problems are caused by their behavior or wrongdoing.[22]

ii. Occupation and Women’s Health

Occupation has further exacerbated the tendency to undervalue women’s health and has had detrimental effects on women’s physical, physiological and emotional well being. Since the beginning of Israeli Occupation, the development of Palestinian health system has been severely restricted. For example, in spite of the 45% population increase which occurred in the West Bank from 1970 to 1983, no developments in the health care sector were permit by Israel during this time.[23] Due to years of substantial neglect, the Palestinian Authority inherited, in 1995, a health care system in total disarray, with few services geared to preventive health, which are particularly important to women’s health.[24] More recently, the increased militarization which occurred during the second Intifada has further complicated and limited access to health care. According reports by the National Public Radio, lack of aces to health care has been one of the greatest problems caused by the Intifada upraising.[25] During the first year of Intifada alone, the Health Development and Information Institute reported several cases of attacks on medical personal and facilities,[26] while the Palestinian Red Cross Society, the main provider of ambulance services in the West Bank and Gaza, reported that 37 ambulances were hit by rubber bullets, ammunitions or stones in 77 different incidences.[27] Moreover, logistical problems caused by restriction on movement, such as refusal or delay of passage at checkpoints, closure and curfews rendered access to health service evermore difficult for all Palestinians, including women. [28]

a) Pregnancy and labor

In addition to this, Palestine women are also prone to gender specific vulnerabilities, particularly relating to pregnancy and labor. Ola, 24, of Shu’fat refugee camp, is the proud mother of an 11 month old girl named Rayda. Because of limited health services in her camp, Ola had to travel to the Old City of Jerusalem to undergo regular check-ups during her pregnancy. Long and frequent delays at the checkpoint often deterred her from going at all.[29] Concerns regarding security also affected pre-natal care for women like Noel, 30, of Wadi Illgrous, who was pregnant during the peak period of violence of Intifada. Because the nearest client was in Hebron, her husband felt it was too dangerous for her to go for check-ups. Moreover, the fear of not being able to reach a hospital when in labor caused her much anxiety and stress during her pregnancy. [30]

Security measures imposed during Intifada also rendered the delivery of babies extremely problematical, if not dangerous. The frequency and manner in which complications have occurred highlight the extent of the problem. Niveen Kahleel, 25, from Kafr Aqeb, is one of the many Palestinian women forced to give birth at checkpoint after being refused passage. When it became obvious that the soldiers of Qalandia checkpoint, north of Jerusalem, would not allow the young women to proceed, a medic present at the scene immediately dispatched a Red Cross Medical Team to assisted Niveen in delivering her baby. Niveen’s case is not an isolated incidence. The Palestinian Ministry of Health is aware of 65 cases in which women were forced to give birth at checkpoints, in addition to 38 reported incidences in which infants died at checkpoints due to complications which occurred after being denied passage.[31]

Roadblocks and military closures are yet another aspect of increased militarization from which women can be particularly affected. The women of Wadi Illgrous are especially aware of this. A large part of the road which enabled them to access the transportation to nearby Hebron